The aftermath of the rioting in Assam has led to one of India’s largest humanitarian crises, with more than 400,000 men, women and children living in nearly 300 ill-equipped relief camps
With foreign sanctuaries for Northeast Indian insurgents shrinking, it is only a matter of time before the government decides to seriously engage only with those factions which come forward to resolve their issues through dialogue
Negotiations seem to be advancing well with ULFA and NSCN-IM. Almost all other major separatist groups, barring Manipur, have now entered into ceasefire agreements. But it's still a road littered with political minefields.
Bangladeshi cooperation has been critical in crippling the ULFA, but there is certainly some potential for its regrouping with Chinese support, evidence of which is already available.
A ceasefire and a peace process can only be meaningful within the context of a broader solution – but there is little evidence that the government has any coherent idea of what this is to be.
Why does the government absurdly take up the truce offers that can only lend legitimacy to small bands of armed men who kill people, strike terror and then come out to talk peace?
Whether or not the announcement of a truce by a section of the ULFA will serve any purpose in taking the 'peace process' forward, by raising the issue of illegal influx from Bangladesh, they have put the ULFA leadership in the dock
After Beijing's recent outbursts, New Delhi finally moves to set up a Unified Command in the state where, in the recent past, MLAs and cabinet ministers were alleged to be linked with insurgents
Drastic shifts in strategy by the highly adaptive ULFA, Assam's frontline separatist group, have compelled the security establishment to carry out a major rejig in operations.
It's public knowledge that PDS rice, wheat, sugar and superior kerosene oil is sold openly, food grain is distributed only on paper, and false transportation bills are cleared by authorities
