Summary of this article
Himanta Biswa Sarma outlines a multi-pronged strategy—evictions, welfare cuts, and voter scrutiny—to push alleged undocumented migrants to “leave on their own”.
BJP says its focus is development and lawful identification of illegal immigrants, while critics warn of large-scale disenfranchisement and targeting of Muslims.
Ground reports and opposition voices, including Gaurav Gogoi, point to fear, displacement, and claims of deepening communal polarisation.
Himanta Biswa Sarma has laid out a political roadmap that, taken together, sketches a far-reaching transformation of how the state deals with Bengali-speaking Muslims, particularly those often labelled as “Miya Muslims”. As Assam heads into a decisive election, his proposals go beyond rhetoric, outlining a multi-pronged approach, sustained eviction drives on “encroached” land, tighter scrutiny of citizenship and voter rolls, restrictions on access to welfare, and legislative interventions around marriage, personal laws, and polygamy.
At the heart of this strategy is what Sarma himself has described as creating “pressure”. Acknowledging that large-scale deportation is not feasible, he has repeatedly said the state must build conditions that compel alleged undocumented migrants to leave “on their own”. This includes depriving sections of government benefits, intensifying land clearances, and encouraging closer administrative monitoring of communities identified as “illegal”.
Electoral processes form another key pillar. Sarma has indicated that names of “illegal” voters should be challenged and removed through formal objections, a move critics say risks disenfranchising large sections of Muslims in a state where they form a significant share of the population. At the same time, proposals around interfaith marriages, often framed as curbing “love jihad,” and discussions on a Uniform Civil Code point to deeper state intervention in personal laws.
Responding to these concerns, Gopal Krishna Agarwal, the national spokesperson of BJP framed the party’s vision in developmental terms. “A decade ago, Assam was defined by its problems. Today, it is defined by its possibilities,” he said, adding that the BJP envisions a “flood-free, job-rich” state that leads the Northeast’s growth story. On immigration, he was unequivocal: “We will not allow any Ghuspaitiya to decide the future of Assam… we are committed to identify them and deport them at any cost.”
On voter list revisions, he emphasised institutional safeguards, saying free and fair elections are the responsibility of the Election Commission and that the process is being carried out transparently. More broadly, he argued that the government’s policies are aimed at ensuring both “economic freedom and cultural identity” while maintaining peace and stability. “The SIR process has even been scrutinised by the Supreme Court of India. We have full faith in our democratic institutions,” he said.
Agarwal said that peace in Assam was not delivered by rhetoric, “it is negotiated, enforced, and then built upon,” adding that ten thousand militants laid down arms, crime is at a record low and economic opportunities are being created through investment and building infrastructure. “We are ensuring that the people of Assam have both — an economic freedom and cultural identity."
For many on the ground, however, the implications of BJP’s policies are immediate and deeply personal.
Nur Mohammad, 31, recalls losing his home during eviction drives in 2025, despite having proper documentation. His family, like many others, has since been living in temporary conditions, relying on community networks for survival.
He also points to what he sees as a growing pattern of exclusion. He and many others from his community despite possessing legacy documents, were labelled as “Bangladeshi”. “Not a single person here is Bangladeshi,” he tells Outlook, adding that “after the eviction, many people… found their names removed from the voter list.”
The fear, he says, is no longer abstract, reflecting a wider anxiety that another BJP term could intensify pressures on the community. “People say we will be sent to Bangladesh, but this is our home.”
This sense of insecurity has been shaped not only by policy measures but also by a steady escalation in rhetoric. Sarma has, on multiple occasions, spoken about creating a “mahaul” in which people feel compelled to leave. In one instance, he suggested that Assamese people should “trouble” Bengali-speaking Muslims in everyday interactions so that “only if they face troubles will they leave Assam”.
His remarks have also extended to enforcement imagery. Defending a controversial AI-generated video depicting violence against Muslim men, he said such actions could be “symbolic”, even if not involving “physical bullets”. He has repeatedly warned of what he calls a “demographic invasion”, alleging that population changes have altered the character of several districts.
These statements unfold against a longer policy trajectory. Since the BJP first came to power in 2016, demolition drives have become a defining feature of governance in Assam. By some estimates, over 17,000 homes have been razed, a majority belonging to Muslims. Districts such as Darrang, Dhubri, Nagaon and Lakhimpur have witnessed large-scale evictions, often displacing entire settlements.
Alongside this, several madrasas have been shut, and arrests under laws like the Child Marriage Act have, according to critics, disproportionately affected Muslims. Delimitation has further altered the political landscape, reducing the number of Muslim-majority constituencies, a shift with significant electoral implications in a state where Muslims constitute roughly a third of the population.
Despite this, Mohammad says there is still some faith in institutions. “We have gone to the High Court and the Supreme Court… whatever the courts decide, we will accept,” he says.
Opposition leaders argue that these measures are not isolated but part of a broader ideological project.
Congress leader Gaurav Gogoi has accused Sarma of using communal polarisation to consolidate political power within the BJP. “To make himself look good… he is relying on communal politics,” Gogoi said, alleging that such rhetoric helps divert attention from governance issues.
He further argued that the implications go beyond electoral strategy. According to him, the BJP at both state and national levels is attempting to “weaken the constitutional rights of minorities” and reshape Indian society into a more hierarchical order. In his view, this reflects a deeper political mission to erode the principle of equality guaranteed by the Constitution.
Gogoi also pointed to what he described as contradictions in Sarma’s political approach, noting that the Chief Minister has, at times, taken support from the All India United Democratic Front while simultaneously targeting Muslim political representation.
Framing the contest as one between competing visions of Assam, Gogoi said the Congress is emphasising pluralism and coexistence. The party, he said, is “reminding people who we are… our heritage has always inspired inclusivity”.
