Hemant Soren’s Strategic Silence On Sarna Religion And Hindutva

OBC or urban vote                         

Over the last two years, Hemant Soren’s politics appears to be heading in a different direction. Interconnecting the recent political developments, politicians and tribal intellectuals believe that Soren’s politics is expanding, where the party’s vote base is no longer limited to tribal people, but is now attempting to garner a larger section of the OBC space.

Recently, while addressing a tribal gathering in Ranchi on January 24, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat announced: “Sarna is not a religion, but a method of worship, and tribals are Hindus.”

Soren’s silence on this statement raises questions about his politics, especially when he has consistently demanded and advocated a separate Sarna religious code for tribals. Earlier, whenever BJP or RSS leaders described tribals as Hindus, the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) raised a strong objection. Hemant Soren repeatedly responded to these statements by saying that tribals were never Hindu, are not Hindu, and will never be Hindu. But after Bhagwat’s latest statement, not only Hemant Soren, even his party chose to remain silent.

History of the controversy

The demand for a Sarna religious code has been raised repeatedly in the state. On November 12, 2020, the Hemant Soren-led government passed a resolution in the Jharkhand Assembly in support of the Sarna religion code and sent it to the Centre. Even after five years, the Centre has not taken any decision on it. However, Neha Shilpi Tirkey, a minister from the Congress quota in Hemant Soren’s government, did object to Bhagwat’s statement. Tirkey said Bhagwat’s claim that “tribals and Hindus are the same” creates deep concern. Such thinking dismisses the long-standing demand of tribals for recognition of their distinct identity and reflects continued neglect of the legitimate demand for a Sarna religion code.

Sarna religious leader Bandhan Tigga, associated with the Raji Padha Sarna Prarthana Sabha Bharat, rejected Bhagwat’s statement. He said: “The system and customs of tribals are completely different from those of Hindus. Their way of life, culture, language, and everything is different. It is widely known that tribals have never been part of Hindu society. Hindu society follows a varna system, while tribals believe in equality. In marriage, birth, and death, everyone is treated the same.” Tigga said that he has held meetings with several ministers, including Home Minister Amit Shah, regarding the demand for a Sarna religion code. Each time, he was assured that the issue would be considered. In this context, Tigga sees Bhagwat’s statement as one that creates confusion among members of the tribal community.

Tigga also questions Hemant Soren and his party’s silence on this. “Hemant Soren’s silence shows that they talk about Sarna only for the sake of it, while they are Hindus. Hemant Soren and his wife, Kalpana Soren, regularly visit temples. When disputes arise at Sarna sites such as Siram Toli and Bero, they stay silent. Their lifestyle and worship practices follow Hindu rituals. Soren is playing a double game to keep everyone happy.”

A tradition of nature worship

A large section of tribals considers Sarna to be a religion. Its followers are mainly nature worshippers. Their culture and traditions are different from those of other religions. Trees, plants, hills, and nature are central to their worship. After Jharkhand, Sarna followers are mainly found in West Bengal, Odisha, and Chhattisgarh.

The demand for a Sarna religion code has been strongest in Jharkhand. In the Census conducted every ten years, there are seven columns for religion —Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, Christian, Buddhist, Jain, and a seventh column for “Other Religions.” According to those demanding Sarna recognition, in the 2011 Census, around 79 lakh people filled in their community under the “Other Religions” column. In this, 49.57 lakh identified their religion as Sarna, including 42 lakh tribals from Jharkhand. 

The quite old tribal belief system is centred around nature. In Jharkhand, the demand for the new religion “Sarna” has been raised for more than 50 years. Tribal villages have a sacred worship place called a Sarna Sthal (Site), where mainly the Sal tree or another tree is worshipped. Among the Oraon community, it is called Sarna, among the Mundas, it is called Jaher, and among the Santhals, it is called Jaher Than. Though the names might slightly differ, the main demand remains the same: a separate religious identity for tribals.

However, it is noteworthy that Chief Minister Hemant Soren has repeatedly described himself as a Sarna follower and has also rejected the idea of tribals being Hindu. However, over the last two years, his frequent temple visits have drawn political attention.

Those tracking Soren’s politics say his politics has changed noticeably before and after going to jail. Before his arrest on January 31, 2024, in a land scam case, Soren was outspoken on tribal identity and issues. After his release in June 2024, his position on these issues appears to have become softer. And this is the same time around which his wife, Kalpana Soren, entered active politics, and the couple’s temple visits increased. After coming out of jail, as Chief Minister, he has visited several major temples across the country along with his wife.

Senior journalist Anand Kumar says that after his release, there are few major temples left where Hemant Soren has not gone with Kalpana Soren to offer prayers.

According to Anand Kumar, the Soren family’s political history has largely been associated with a secular image. But in recent years, they appear to be inching closer to Hindutva. Anand Kumar further says, “Hemant Soren no longer goes anywhere alone. Kalpana Soren is always with him. The people who earlier advised him politically have been sidelined, and Kalpana now has an equal say in decisions related to power and governance. This suggests her influence over the government and administration has increased.”

Shifting Political Dynamics?

Until recently, there was intense discussion that Hemant Soren might form a government with the BJP in Jharkhand. While these talks have not surfaced openly, political circles still quietly discuss the possibility of Soren joining hands with the BJP.

Anand Kumar believes that Kalpana Soren could be central to these discussions. He says, “JMM’s politics and the tribal vote in Jharkhand have traditionally been anti-BJP. But the Odisha region from which Kalpana Soren comes has tribals who are largely BJP-oriented. Her background reflects that mindset. Given her growing influence, if JMM moves closer to the BJP in the future, Kalpana Soren will likely play an important role.”

Kalpana Soren’s public behaviour and social presentation are closer to the mainstream Hindu social framework than traditional tribal political styles. This is also impacting JMM’s overall image. Taken together, these developments suggest that Hemant Soren’s politics is gradually moving towards a form of soft Hindutva, where tribal identity is not abandoned and brought into the fold of electoral strategy rather than being pursued through open ideological confrontation.

Tribal activist Lakshminarayan Munda says that in vote-bank politics, silence is sometimes a necessity. He says, “Hemant’s political situation was different two years ago. Every party first secures its base vote and then expands. Hemant Soren’s base is tribal, and he has consolidated it. That is why he is silent on the tribal-Hindu issue. In my view, this is pure political calculation to stay in power.”

JMM’s expanding ambitions

In the past week, two prominent OBC leaders have joined JMM. Shalini Gupta, former Zila Parishad chairperson of Koderma and an influential OBC leader, joined the party in the presence of Hemant Soren. In the 2024 Jharkhand Assembly elections, she contested as an independent and secured 69,537 votes.

Similarly, Chandrashekhar Agarwal, former mayor of Dhanbad and a prominent OBC face of the BJP, left the party and joined JMM. JMM’s OBC base is expected to grow with their induction into the party. 

Hemant Soren’s silence is also being seen through the lens of electoral maths, especially OBC votes. A section of OBC voters supported him in the previous Assembly elections. Taking a sharp stand on issues like Sarna versus Hindu could have weakened that support. In this context, the “no comment” approach is being read as an attempt to retain and expand OBC backing.

Election observers say JMM’s larger strategy is to secure power on its own in the coming elections. For this, the party needs to strengthen its hold over urban voters. Out of 81 Assembly seats, around 25–30 are considered urban, where JMM has largely depended on its ally, the Congress.

Anand Kumar says that to reduce this dependence, JMM needs to break into the BJP’s urban vote base, and the party appears to be moving in that direction. The entry of two major OBC leaders into JMM and Hemant Soren’s silence on the RSS statement are being seen as part of this strategy.

At one time, JMM was seen as a Santhal-based party. Over the years, it expanded from Santhal Pargana to Kolhan and Chotanagpur. Now, the party’s focus is to move beyond rural regions and consolidate urban and OBC voters.

Anand Kumar says, “JMM is strong in Santhal and Kolhan on the strength of tribal votes. But in many areas, tribals are not present in large numbers. In such a situation, the party has to rely on OBC and urban voters to expand. And I think JMM is moving ahead in this direction quite smartly.”

Neither JMM nor Hemant Soren have issued any official statement on Mohan Bhagwat’s remarks calling tribals Hindu. According to one report, two JMM MLAs said, on condition of anonymity, that they raised the issue internally but were told by the party leadership to remain silent for now.

Former member of the Jharkhand Tribal Advisory Council (TAC), Ratan Tirkey, sees Hemant Soren’s silence as political sharpness. He says, “Hemant Soren has usually been vocal on tribal issues, but there are some issues where he chooses silence. Overall, his silence on Mohan Bhagwat’s statement reflects political maturity.”

Targeting Bhagwat, Ratan Tirkey adds that if tribals are indeed Hindus, then Mohan Bhagwat should appoint a tribal or Dalit as the next RSS chief.