Md Asghar Khan is a Senior Correspondent from Jharkhand writing about politics, human rights, tribal issues, women issues, and the environment. He is available at asghar@outlookindia.com
Jharkhand’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise has triggered widespread anxiety among both Booth Level Officers (BLOs) and voters, with BLOs facing intense pressure, shifting guidelines and unrealistic deadlines, voters whose names do not appear in the 2003 electoral roll remain confused and fearful of deletion.
Bihar’s election results have exposed deep fractures within the RJD–Congress alliance, with both parties openly questioning the utility of staying together.
Jharkhand’s SIR-based ancestral mapping has created widespread unease as many voters who appear in the 2024 roll cannot find their names in the 2003 list—now a key benchmark for verification. With 12 lakh names flagged for deletion as “dead, shifted, or duplicate,” fears of wrongful removal are rising. Confused BLOs, unclear guidelines, and echoes of Bihar’s troubled SIR process have intensified public anxiety.
Jharkhand’s political landscape is in flux, driven by rumours that Hemant Soren is exploring alternatives to the Congress amid alliance tensions, legal pressures, and shifting electoral arithmetic. Speculation ranges from a Congress-minus government to a third-front formula—yet any move toward the BJP risks deep political and social backlash for JMM.
The order to vacate Rabri Devi’s long-held government residence has ignited a fierce political battle in Bihar. While the ruling coalition terms it a routine administrative step, the RJD calls it targeted humiliation. The controversy highlights shifting power dynamics in the state, with the BJP increasingly seen as directing key decisions.
Women-focused cash transfers have emerged as a powerful tool for incumbent governments across states. By delivering direct financial support shortly before elections, ruling parties have managed to blunt anti-incumbency and mobilise unprecedented support from women voters. This shift shows how DBT-led welfare is increasingly shaping electoral outcomes beyond traditional caste or party loyalties.
Despite constituting nearly 18 per cent of the population, Muslims have secured only 11 Assembly seats—three times lower than proportional share. Vote fragmentation in Seemanchal, AIMIM’s rise, shrinking tickets from secular parties, and growing Hindu-Muslim polarisation have collectively weakened Muslim leadership, marking the sharpest decline in their political influence since Independence.
As the results became clearer on November 14, JD(U) workers began chanting slogans about Nitish—among them, “Tiger abhi zinda hai (Tiger is alive)” and “Nitish zaroori bhi hain, majboori bhi (Nitish is indispensable)”
The 2025 Bihar mandate brought Nitish Kumar back as Chief Minister for the 10th time, even though the BJP emerged as the largest party. Yet the real story is how Nitish retained control over his core power centres — the Home Ministry, the Education Ministry, and influence over the Speaker’s post.
Nitish Kumar’s resounding 2025 victory is rooted in a political transformation two decades in the making: the rise of the empowered female voter in Bihar. Through sustained focus on security, education, economic support, and direct cash transfers, Nitish built the state’s most reliable vote bank—women. Their record turnout, caste-neutral choices, and expanding political agency decisively shaped the election outcome.
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