WITHIN hours of Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee’s dramatic announcement, a journalist, an old acquaintance of Home Minister L.K. Advani, met him at his North Block office. Advani could barely hide his emotions. During the time spent there, the scribe saw the home minister wiping his tears at least twice. One of the earliest promises, going back to Jana Sangh days, had just been fulfilled. For Sanghis of that generation, the need to join the nuclear club had finally moved from mere demands, smacked across Delhi’s boundary walls three decades ago, to the real thing. A feat that the party believes gives them the edge if there’s a mid-term poll.
In the current mood where even rabid BJP-baiters have had to ‘hail’ the underground explosions, the BJP top brass is predictably euphoric—and says it can now look ahead. Though no one is talking elections yet, the underlying theme that the party now holds the advantage come what may is quite evident at the party’s central office in Delhi and through the two monolith blocks, North and South, from where the BJP and its allies now run the country.
Key Vajpayee aide Pramod Mahajan reflected the mood when he piped up immediately after the announcement that the BJP-led government would complete its full five-year term. "This is a question of national security and the whole country is behind us," he gushed. "This is not a nuclear test but a test of nationalism". Union minister Sushma Swaraj was equally ecstatic: "This is not a question of the BJP alone. Parties across the board and the common people are overwhelmed. It is truly a momentous occasion."
For a party plagued by unpredictable allies making unrealistic demands, Pokhran II could not have come at a better time. The news of the bomb and the international outcry have pushed other outstanding issues, threatening to bring down the Vajpayee government, off the front pages. Jayalalitha’s unending demands, Ramakrishna Hegde’s words of ‘advice’ to the PM, George Fernandes’ table-thumping attack on China, likely Congress manoeuvres during the budget session of Parliament—all seemed to taper off.
Union ministers, disgruntled party MPs who had not got a berth in the Cabinet, state BJP units and the party rank and file exulted alike. Sample this: a resolution adopted at the Rajasthan BJP unit in the presence of party leader Govindacharya and Chief Minister Bhairon Singh Shekhawat said the five explosions in Pokhran had energised the Gandhian dictum Karo ya maro (do or die) and that countrymen today were facing challenges similar to Maharana Pratap who "chose to eat chappatis made of grass but never succumbed to the pressure of the Mughal empire." But though party spokesman Venkaiah Naidu denies the explosions "were carried out with any political purpose," it’s clear that there were other considerations as well.
Who planned the explosions, the date and timing of which was reportedly known to only a handful at the top? RSS leader K.S. Sudarshan told reporters in Hyderabad that the bomb was priority number one for the BJP and that even during its 13-day tenure, the party had planned it on day one of Vajpayee’s take-over. The plan, Sudarshan claimed, was leaked to the Americans who then pulled down the government. Barely known to express its views openly, the RSS appeared remarkably candid about its role—without mentioning any dates or the actual happening.
RSS mouthpiece Organiser carried four articles in its May 17 edition, that hit the stands on May 11, elucidating that the BJP chose the hard N-option because of the security environment. A top scientist at the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) was quoted as saying, "we can do (Pokhran) again." Even more significant was the visit of RSS chief Rajju Bhaiya to the BARC where he said "Pokhran has sent an important message to the world"—and that a nuclear arsenal remains an effective deterrent. Without mentioning the time and date of the blasts, Rajju Bhaiya, a physicist, is quoted as saying: "A nuclear weapon is likely to prove more economical than a huge stockpile of Sukhoi aircraft and Bofors guns."
WELL-PLACED sources say the RSS has some plans: among them, a little skirmish with Pakistan, wherein their troops could be chased inside their own territory. "Now with the nuclear option, it probably means a changed scenario, but that option has not been given up," says a source. With the bomb option open, a small-scale war with Pakistan is just the poll plank the party wants. All indications, however, are that BJP hardliners favour defence-oriented measures, like Agni II.
Will the BJP go in for mid-term polls riding high on the bomb? Party leaders say off the record that anything is possible. "If a recalcitrant ally gets too tough, that is an option that can be exercised," says a source. RSS leaders favour elections by year-end and admit that the biggest problem for the party would be to sustain the ‘high’. The notion in the RSS is that the BJP "finds it difficult to sustain a movement".
Some RSS hands have reportedly taken exception to Mahajan taking on the role of BJP spokesperson while he was briefing the media at his official residence. Some have even expressed doubts about the outcome of economic sanctions—particularly if it hits some Mumbai-based industrial houses, reportedly close to Mahajan. RSS leaders are particularly peeved that the two people it dislikes the most, Mahajan and Jaswant Singh, are the closest to the prime minister.
Key BJP leaders are already maintaining a low profile—prime among them Advani. While some media reports suggested that Advani was as surprised as everyone else, well-placed sources say that without Advani’s nod, the explosion would not have been possible. "Even in normal circumstances, it is not possible that agencies would not be in touch with the Home Ministry and as such the home minister cannot be kept in the dark."
The party celebrated in style on May 16 countrywide to mark India’s entry into the nuclear club, highlighting the role played by "our bold Prime Minister". Party chief Kushabhau Thakre (who has pointed out in media interviews that the explosions were not political) is going to Hyderabad to discuss bypolls in Andhra.
Party sources indicate that with the fractious coalition, it’s going to be difficult to keep their promises on Ayodhya, Article 370, Uniform Civil Code. So, it would be a good idea to have an electoral issue handy—the bomb. In addition, the party wants to enforce its image as the only political formation which practises what it preaches. "We promised to demolish the mosque, which we did. We promised to enter the nuclear club, which we have. The sky has not fallen," says a veteran. A clear indication of the path the party wants to follow in the crucial days to come.
