Jharkhand-origin Adivasis in Assam reject the ‘Tea Tribe’ label and seek ST recognition
Despite ST status in other states, over 70 lakh Adivasis remain categorised as OBCs in Assam
Political resistance and competing claims continue to delay constitutional recognition
Amarjeet Kerketta’s family has lived in Assam for several generations. Nearly 200 years ago, his ancestors were brought to Assam to work in tea plantations. Since then, generation after generation of his family has been rooted in the state.
Like Amarjeet’s ancestors, lakhs of Adivasi families from Jharkhand were brought to Assam to work in tea gardens. Their descendants are today labelled as “Tea Tribes”. But at 41, Amarjeet strongly resents being called a Tea Tribe.
Belonging to the Kharia community, Amarjeet objects to the term. “Across India, we are recognised as Tribals. But here they call us Tea Tribes. What does Tea Tribe even mean? Kharia, Oraon, Munda, Ho, Santhal, Gond — these are our identities. We want to live with our own identity. We deserve recognition as Adivasis,” he says.
Amarjeet’s struggle is not limited to resisting the ‘Tea Tribe’ label. It is also about the denial of Scheduled Tribe (ST) reservation in Assam to lakhs of Adivasis like him, despite their recognised tribal identity elsewhere.
Amarjeet lives in Dibru Darang village in Assam’s Sonitpur district, where his ancestors settled while working in tea plantations. For several years, he has been associated with the All Adivasi Students’ Association of Assam (AASAA), actively fighting for the right to tribal reservation.
According to AASAA, more than one crore Adivasis and Dalits in Assam have been placed under the OBC category by the state government. These are communities whose ancestors were brought by British India to work as labourers in tea plantations. Their descendants are now demanding that the constitutional status they enjoy in their native states should also be granted to them in Assam — namely, Scheduled Tribe and Scheduled Caste status.
Several reports estimate that around 70 lakh Adivasis in Assam are identified as Tea Tribes, none of whom have been granted ST status. If Dalit communities are included, the number crosses one crore.
In the 19th century, when Assam (then part of Bengal) and West Bengal’s tea plantations were expanding, most labourers came from tribal regions of Jharkhand, Odisha, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh. While these Adivasis have received Scheduled Tribe status in West Bengal, they continue to struggle for the same recognition in Assam even today.
The issue of Jharkhand-origin Adivasis in Assam has repeatedly been raised by Jharkhand Chief Minister Hemant Soren. Soon after beginning his second term, during a cabinet meeting, Soren expressed concern over the condition of Jharkhand’s Adivasis living in Assam under the Tea Tribe label. At the time, he announced that a delegation would be sent to study their situation. He also wrote to the Assam Chief Minister, urging that the Tea Tribes be granted Scheduled Tribe status.
Earlier this year, the Jharkhand government decided to send a team to Assam under the leadership of Chamra Linda, Jharkhand’s Minister for Scheduled Tribe and Scheduled Caste Affairs. The team will study the socio-economic condition of Jharkhand-origin Adivasis in Assam, assess whether they receive any tribal benefits, and examine what support Jharkhand can extend and what demands can be placed before the Assam government. Based on this study, a report will be submitted to the Chief Minister, who will then decide the next course of action.
This decision by the Jharkhand government has strengthened the morale of many Jharkhand-origin Adivasis living in Assam, including Amarjeet. It is widely seen as creating political pressure on the Assam government.
Anil Toppo, who serves as a chief adviser to AASAA, belongs to the Oraon tribe. His ancestors migrated to Assam from Jharkhand’s Chotanagpur region. The 43-year-old says he is pleased that a government team from Jharkhand is finally coming to assess their situation. He is particularly happy about Chamra Linda leading the delegation, as he has met him earlier regarding this issue.
Anil, who hails from Balijan village in Karbi Anglong district, holds Assam’s first Chief Minister responsible for their present condition.
“After Independence, until 1950, our ancestors were recognised as Tribals here. But when Gopinath Bordoloi became Assam’s first Chief Minister, area restrictions were imposed and we were de-scheduled. Our elected MLAs were called and asked, since you work in tea gardens, how would it be if you were called Tea Tribes? The MLAs agreed,” Anil alleges.
For decades, Adivasis demanding ST status have watched the BJP and Congress trade accusations. Those leading the movement believe that both parties have avoided granting ST status for political reasons.
Amarjeet and Anil both say that if their communities receive ST status in Assam, they would become politically stronger. Out of Assam’s 126 Assembly seats, 42 to 45 would then be reserved, making it likely that the Chief Minister would be from the Adivasi community. Currently, only 19 seats are reserved for STs and nine for SCs in Assam.
Beyond government welfare schemes, ST status would bring critical rights such as land ownership. At present, communities recognised as Tribals elsewhere but categorised as OBCs in Assam are denied forest rights and housing pattas.
It is noteworthy that during the 2014 Lok Sabha elections and the 2016 Assam Assembly elections, the BJP promised to grant Scheduled Tribe status to Adivasi tea garden workers. It also announced land pattas and higher daily wages. However, over the past ten years, no concrete steps have been taken in this direction.
Recently, the Assam government passed a Bill granting land ownership rights to communities that have lived in the state for over two centuries. The Assam Cabinet has also approved a proposal to grant ST status to six communities. This has sparked protests by several tribal organisations and student groups, who argue that the move weakens the interests of indigenous tribal communities. Moreover, the decision has not yet been implemented, and even if it is, many believe it will not adequately address the demands of lakhs of Adivasis.
Communities such as Bodo, Dimasa, Karbi, Rabha, Mising, Miri, Kachari, Sonowal, Lalung, Garo, Chakma, Hajong, Hmar, Khasi-Jaintia, Pawi, Luthai and Tengal are considered indigenous tribes in Assam and already have ST status. Meanwhile, 36 communities continue to demand ST recognition. The All Adivasi Students’ Association of Assam has led this movement since the 1990s.
Former Chairman of the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes and former Jharkhand minister Rameshwar Oraon acknowledged that there are multiple hurdles in granting ST status to Adivasis in Assam. According to him, only the Assam government can recommend this to the Union government.
Oraon explains that the state government must send a recommendation to the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, which then goes to the Registrar General of India and subsequently to the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes for evaluation. Only after these stages does the matter reach Parliament for discussion.
During his tenure as Chairman of the Commission, Oraon visited Assam several times to meet Tea Tribe communities and understand their demands.
Explaining why Adivasis cannot automatically claim ST benefits in another state, Oraon says constitutional provisions recognise Scheduled Tribes on a state-specific basis. This is why existing tribal communities in Assam oppose extending ST status to migrants from other regions.
“There are also political hurdles,” Oraon adds. “Some other caste groups in Assam are demanding ST status, including the Ahom community, which currently falls under OBC. They claim a 600-year presence in Assam and argue that if communities settled for 200 years can demand ST status, their claim should come first.”
The Ahom community is considered politically influential in Assam, with an estimated population of 15–17 lakh and decisive influence in around 35 Assembly constituencies. Former Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi belonged to this community. The Ahoms are among the six groups recently approved by the Assam Cabinet for ST status.
Oraon further explains the historical roots of the ‘Tea Tribe’ label. “In 1840, when the British established a major tea company, local people were unwilling to work in plantations. Labourers were brought from Jharkhand, Bihar, Odisha, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh — all part of Bengal then. Entire families were taken so workers would not flee. That is why tribal labour families settled there permanently.”
Prabhat Das Panika, a former president of AASAA, believes the refusal to recognise Adivasis from Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Odisha as Tribals in Assam reflects political intent. Their population exceeds that of existing tribal communities, and granting them ST status would significantly alter political power.
“The government labelled tea garden workers as Tea Tribes. When they left plantations and settled elsewhere, they were called Ex-Tea Tribes. This is humiliating. The tea industry is only 200 years old, while Adivasi history spans thousands of years. How can a two-century-old industry erase a millennia-old identity?” Panika asks.
He points out that out of Assam’s population of over three crore (3.12 crore as per the 2011 Census), more than one crore people are facing an acute identity crisis. “Denying identity means denying political rights,” he says.
In essence, Panika reiterates what Amarjeet Kerketta and Anil Toppo said at the beginning of this story: political parties, particularly the BJP and Congress, fear that granting ST status would lead to more reserved seats, more Adivasi legislators, and eventually a Chief Minister from the Adivasi community.
For over two centuries, Adivasis in Assam have lived with a borrowed label and been denied their true identity. The demand for Scheduled Tribe recognition is not just about reservation, but about dignity, land rights and political voice.
