WINDS of change are blowing over Iran as the new president, Seyed Mohammed Khatami, lives up to his reputation of being a moderate cleric. Within weeks of his takeover—and despite the fact that he had promised increased representation to women while campaigning—he surprised everyone by nominating a 36-year-old woman journalist, Masoumeh Ebtekar, as one of the five vice-presidents.
The first woman to hold such a high position in the government since the Islamic revolution of 1979, Ebtekar is a US-educated associate professor at Tehran's Teachers' University. She edits a weekly magazine and has represented Iran in several international women's conferences. While her appointment has evoked a positive reaction from women—one of Khatami's biggest votebanks—the president has to go a long way to give more representation to women in public life. Says S. Babran of Iran News: "Ebtekar's appointment is not enough. Women make up 50 per cent of the 60 million population of Iran and there should be more of them in government."
Ebtekar apart, Khatami shocked the conservative-dominated Majlis with his choice of culture minister—a post he had held for 11 years before losing it because parliament had found him too "permissive". The new incumbent, Ataollah Mohajerani, not only says he will relax state censorship but had once advocated direct dialogue with the US, which cut off all ties with Iran after the Islamic Revolution. The Majlis bitterly opposed the appointment before giving its stamp of approval.
These two steps are being seen by many observers as hints of the possible loosening up of Iranian society. Khatami's win in the May 23 elections had raised hopes of just such a change. Khatami recently said he would strive for development, social justice and an independent press.
The criticism of Mohajerani is indicative of the challenges Khatami faces from the dominant conservative elements. But the hopes of the 20-million odd people, who voted for him, are pinned on Khatami. Says Ali Reza Marandi, a former health minister: "Most of those who voted for Khatami were the youth and now they want their aspirations for a freer life to be fulfilled." Well-versed in Persian, English, Arabic, Urdu and Hindi, Mohajerani holds a crucial assignment. As culture minister, he will be responsible for the press, import of films, and other social codes, including access to satellite television. In April 1995, the Islamic government banned satellite television and ordered all satellite equipment to be dismantled in an effort to fight cultural invasion from the West, chiefly the US. Iranian television shows expurgated versions of foreign films after they are dubbed in Persian. Indian movies such as Kranti are aired frequently, but dances and other 'scenes' are censored.
Culture is a sensitive issue in Iran. In a recent speech, the supreme leader, Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei, asked the new government to adopt strict measures to counter the "corrupt culture". On the other side, however, are the young Iranians who voted Khatami to power in the hope that he would ease stringent cultural restrictions imposed by earlier regimes. Most want the satellite ban lifted so that they can watch foreign films. Girls want to dress up, while Islam bars them from even wearing make-up in public. "I just want to live my own life without obstruction by self-employed police," says Nasima, referring to the fundamentalist activists who harass women not adhering to the strict dress code.
BUT there are others like Fatima who believe that the Islamic dress guarantees a healthier society free of corrupt culture. "As Muslims, we should follow what Islam asks us to do," she spouts.
On the thorny diplomatic front, Khatami vowed that he would pursue an active and fresh policy. Tehran's greatest problem is with the US, a nation Iranians love to call the 'Great Satan'. Iran has repeatedly denied US claims that Tehran sponsors terrorism; that it is building nuclear weapons and opposes the West Asia peace process. As for West Asia, Iran does believe that the Palestinians are oppressed and that the US role in the region is biased in favor of Israel. But stresses that it supports the Palestinian cause politically and morally only.
During the Majlis debate on the cabinet, Mohajerani was criticised by rightists for advocating greater cultural freedom as well as for proposing direct talks with the US. But in a recent press interview, the minister clarified that his proposal to start a direct dialogue with the US did not imply resumption of ties. In fact, while admitting that he had proposed direct talks in 1990, he said the situation had now changed. "Under the current circumstances, I even reject holding talks with the US," he said.
After Khatami's election, political pundits on both sides were optimistic about major say in foreign policy, has rejected the possibility of a thaw in ties. Reacting to a statement by US State Department spokesman James Rubin on the possibility of Iran-US talks, foreign ministry spokesman Mehmud Mohammadi said that the US "should show in practice the change in its behaviour and political will towards Iran if it really does not intend to continue its hostility towards Iran".
But ties with the US is not the sole thorn in the side. A crisis between the European Union and Iran surfaced just before Khatami's election. All EU countries, barring Greece, recalled their envoys from Tehran after a German court ruled in April that senior Iranian leaders were involved in the 1992 killing of four Kurdish dissidents. Iran protested and denied any involvement in the killings.
In a recent interview, Iran's new foreign minister, Kamal Kharrazi, was optimistic about the crisis being resolved. Kharrazi said he was ready to meet his European counterparts during the UN General Assembly session in September, where he will address the meeting.
"Iran's policy is to defuse tension," Kharrazi told the English-language daily Iran News. "I'm ready to meet my counterparts in Europe if they so wish." But the deadlock continues, because while Ayatollah Khamenei has asked the government to allow all European ambassadors to return to Tehran except the Germans—who should be the last to arrive in Iran—this is not acceptable to the EU. It is generally believed in Iran that Kharrazi's visit to New York may ease tensions if he meets his counterparts from Europe, particularly German Foreign Minister Claus Kinkel.
On the domestic front, the faltering economy is another issue that has to be urgently addressed by the Khatami government. "Unstable export laws and regulations are the stumbling blocks in the way of smooth flow of exports," says a leading economic journalist, Nadir Adabi. "Nobody is sure the laws prevailing today will be in force tomorrow," he adds.
"I admit that the new government is really facing an uphill task," says Iran News managing director M. Soltanifar. "But times have changed and we have seen that despite all embargoes and sanctions of the US, Iran has had no problems with its exports and imports." According to Soltanifar, Iran has learnt a lesson during all its years of diplomatic isolation from the West: "We should not put all our eggs in one basket." He says the government now plans to diversify Iran's economic relations, paying more attention to Asia and the Far Eastern countries.
Khatami's other worry is corruption in government circles. Ayatollah Khamenei has asked the government to "stop this menace". A latest report claims that a top Iranian banker, Hedayat Ashtari-Laraki, is suspected to have embezzled up to $12.5 million. He is now in France and Iran is seeking his extradition.
But though Khatami is Iran's most moderate leader since the Shah's downfall, most people feel Islamic principles will not allow him much leeway. Though the Ayatollah has issued a directive to the government that the people's grievances must be redressed, the youth, clamouring for foreign networks, may fail to get the ban on satellite TV lifted soon.
