France Violence: The Complex Relationship Between State, Muslims And Recent Unrest

France has again seen the spectre of riots in the poor suburbs of its major cities. It is important to put these protests and indeed the subsequent criminal acts of looting, into their social and political contexts. While the French state has long pursued a range of Islamophobic policies, such as banning the headscarf, it is not possible to draw a simple line between discontent with such policies and the actions of those on the streets of French cities recently. Additionally, it is true that French society suffers from significant discrimination problems. Discrimination, based on both religion, ethnic origin, and even where you live is rampant. It has been shown time and time again in studies that having an Arabic or African name and living in a poor housing estate drastically reduce your chances of being selected for a job interview. Additionally, being of Arabic of African origin in France means that you are more likely to live in poor housing on isolated housing estates and attend poorly performing schools in such areas that hamper chances for social mobility. Indeed, the poor social conditions and geographical isolation of such places have led academics to argue that they are the worst examples of marginalisation in Europe. 

However, the relationship between these factors and the current unrest is more complicated than it can appear at first glance. Associations are often made, somewhat erroneously, between the fact that many of the protestors in France are of Muslim, North African origin, and discontent with France’s often Islamophobic policies and social problems with discrimination and poor housing in France. The line between these is not as clear as it seems and the opinion of Muslims in France towards the recent unrest is diverse and multifaceted. 

The teenager killed by police, Nahel, was of Muslim North African origin and much has been made about the racism that those of non-white origin face in France when confronted by the police, which is empirically well established. However, the problems with police brutality in France go much deeper and cross over racial and ethnic lines. While being of black or Arabic origin does make being a victim of police violence more likely, when the Council of Europe issued a warning about police brutality against demonstrators in March 2023 it was white French demonstrators that were being beaten with truncheons on the streets of Paris while protesting against Macron’s pension reforms. Thus, France’s entire philosophy of policing requires revisiting. 

France's current policing emerges from a historical evolution where the police are seen as not policing for the people but rather for the state and protecting the state from the people. This differs from the philosophy of policing in places like the United Kingdom where policing is seen as done by consent and for the people not against them. Policing in the UK clearly has its problems and has been the subject of similar controversies, such as the riots of 2011 in the aftermath of the police killing of Mark Duggan, but its philosophical difference means that a discussion about how police can take place and reform is more possible. The statement by the French police union issued that situated the current crisis as the police being on the front line of a war with savage hoards demonstrates the intransigence of their position. 

This is perhaps most seen in the complaints about policing in the poor suburbs of French cities that I have come across during my extensive research in Paris, Lyon, and Marseille. In such high-rise estates, residents complain that the police are not there to respond to reports of crimes, such as house burglaries, and that successive governments have closed down the “proximity police” outposts in such places. These were the closest that France has come to a form of community policing and residents expressed regret that they no longer have personal relationships with the police that police their neighbourhoods. They have also complained that when the police do arrive they are heavily armed and heavy-handed.  

Additionally, the opinion of French Muslims on these riots is going to be extremely diverse. A problem with discussing the French context in this regard is that the state has made it illegal to collect statistics on race, religion or ethnicity in France so it is not possible to say with accuracy how many Muslims, or people of black origin, that are either in the French population or in particular jobs. 

However, researchers have long argued that French Muslims are heavily represented in the French security forces, including the army and the police forces and would have been on the streets of French cities fighting to restore law and order in the past days. A French Muslim policeman, Ahmed Merabet, was a victim of jihadist violence during the Charlie Hebdo attacks and many French Muslims have been killed in terrorist attacks in France, such as in Paris in 2015 and Nice in 2016 while socialising with friends or taking their children to see the Bastille day fireworks. 

During this current crisis social media has been an important place to get a picture of the situation on the ground in France, and images and videos have circulated of the violence unfolding in cities across the country. However, social media has been full of French Muslims condemning the riots and the wanton destruction of property and public buildings during these riots. 

Having lived in Marseille for many years and knowing many of the streets and businesses affected by the riots personally, there are many Muslim business owners and workers in chain shops like Sephora that were ransacked, who awoke to find that they had lost everything. Some have also taken to social media to condemn the unrest and to call for tougher security measures from the state to protect property and some have even expressed doubt that they will be able to re-open their businesses after sustaining such heavy losses. It is important from these examples to keep in mind that as Muslims in France are diverse in terms of religious adherence, ethnic background, social class and age, their opinions on a range of issues are also extremely diverse. 

It is also very possible, and very prevalent, to disagree with police brutality and the French state’s anti-Muslim policies on things like banning the headscarf without agreeing with the illegal activity of rioters. An important point here is to also distinguish between protestors and those that always exploit the breakdown is law and order for material gain. Those that have been filmed in Marseille using power tools to cut the cash out of cash machines, or emptying a Volkswagen car dealership of its new cars, were not stealing to make a political statement but for material gain.  

So while acknowledging that the French state has pursued Islamaphobic policies and that France has significant problems with discrimination and social marginalisation, it is not possible to say that all French Muslims agree with recent events. It is also not possible to talk of a widespread integration problem with these individuals who have been in France now for 3 or 4 generations. There are also many French Muslims who have lost businesses to the rioters and indeed many French Muslims in the French police forces that were deployed on the streets to quell demonstrations. In fact, my experience of living in France has shown me that the vast majority of French Muslims want the same things as their white French counterparts. They want good jobs, to raise families, to start businesses and to get education. Thus while many disagree with government policies and police brutality, this does not automatically translate to them agreeing with civil unrest or the destruction of civic resources such as schools or libraries that they themselves frequently use. 

(Dr Joseph Downing is a senior lecturer in Politics and International Relations at the School of Social Sciences and Humanities in Aston University