Fatwa For Freedom

It isn’t a revolution yet, but reformists have swept Iran’s election

Fatwa For Freedom
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Our revolution is the youths’ revolution...and it belongs to them," said Iran’s President Mohamad Khatami at an election rally in Tehran on February 11. It was an election the world was watching with some interest. And on display was an unprecedented show of youth power. For the first time since the ‘79 Islamic revolution, reformists swept the parliamentary elections held in Iran on February 18, thereby adding much-needed teeth to Khatami’s liberalisation drive. It was the same base that’d given Khatami his huge victory in the ‘97 presidential elections. More than half of Iran’s 62 million residents are under 25-and many, born after the revolution, don’t share old views about the Shah or even Imam Khomeini. So, they were obviously chafing at the restrictions imposed by the hardliners.

But even with a majority in the sixth term of the Majlis (Parliament), the reformists still face an uphill task. Nonetheless, events have given many people, particularly youths, cause for some happiness. And, understandably, it’s the women who are most keenly hoping for a state that allows them more freedom. "Now, as the second Khordad Faction promised, there’ll be freedom, I’ll be able to wear make-up and go to the park with my friends without any fear," says 20-year-old Fatemeh Salami. The second Khordad is May 23, ‘97 when Khatami defeated hardliner Ali Akbar Nateq-Nouri. "Since Khatami became president we’ve had greater freedom," says 24-year-old Hassan. "I’m not against religion, but I’m not ready to accept the pressure these self-appointed policemen exercise on us," he says. "Young people have needs, but they get nothing. It means they’re very angry with everybody," adds Saeed Laylaz, newspaper columnist and political analyst.

While a series of plans are needed to correct the country’s system, the real problems will start when a bill related to more freedom and liberalism in social and economic affairs goes to the Guardian Council dominated by hardliners. The Council, with six clerics and six experts on civil laws, has to approve any bill before it becomes a law. Then there’s the question of Iran’s sick economy. Iran is the world’s third largest oil producer, but there’s no incentive for foreign and domestic investors to engage in economic development plans. Experts believe incentives can be created by laws that guarantee security for investors in the economy. While the reformists did try to pass such laws during the outgoing parliament, they were blocked by the hardliners who said ‘an open-door policy would corrupt the country’s social and religious atmosphere.’ Added to this debilitating conservatism is the high unemployment rate. While official figures put it at 20 per cent, experts claim it’s much higher. Says a journalist, "There’re millions of families in Iran with unemployed young men and women who can’t marry as they cannot afford housing."

Meanwhile, the conservatives seem shocked by the extent of their defeat and refused to comment on the elections. A few, like current parliament speaker Nateq-Nouri, put up a brave front: "Those who’ve lost should take comfort from the massive (over 80 per cent) voter turnout. It represents a triumph of the Iranian people, the Islamic revolution and the system." In any case, it’s a definite vote for change. As Ahmad Bourqani, a leading reformist, says: "The people wanted changes and they’ll expect action." While conservatives say the reformists’ victory won’t mean sweeping policy changes since many MPs are still faithful to the ‘79 revolution, Reza Khatami, the President’s brother and top vote-getter, disagrees. He believes many policies will change and relations with other countries will also improve more speedily. The reformists have also promised an end to state censorship of the press and the arts and the establishment of party politics and grassroots democracy.

While that may take some time, the desire for personal independence certainly seems to be gaining strength in Iran. "The hardliners have used Islam as a tool to fortify their power. They think they’re messengers of God and can tell us what to do, what to wear...we don’t like that," says a university student. That, if anything, is a firm testament of changing times.

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