In the paper, we identified 10 reasons for the US to engage India:
- Forge better overall ties with an emerging global power, and the world’s largest nation in the making;
- Give operational meaning to our shared democratic values, and interest in strengthening evolving democracies;
- Maximise our partnership with one of the world’s largest economies, and one of the world’s largest middle classes;
- Help move India toward the global nonproliferation mainstream;
- Enhance our joint efforts on urgent global issues: terrorism, narcotics, rights of women and children;
- Work together to deal with challenges to regional stability;
- Team up to protect the global environment, with clean energy and other initiatives where Indian leadership is essential;
- Join hands in the global campaign against polio, aids and other public health problems;
- Upgrade our access to the world-class Indian players in the vital area of information technology;
- Boost our thriving and mutually helpful links in education, culture and people-to-people exchanges.
I believe the civilian nuclear agreement should be supported. It’s something that can benefit both countries, and provide important benefits for energy security. It can also strengthen the global non-proliferation regime as Mr El Baradei of the IAEA has said.
I do not believe that the success of President Bush’s trip should be held hostage to whether or not the civilian nuclear agreement is finalised by the time he arrives. This is an important step forward in our relations, but a complicated one. If more time is needed to get it done right, and answer all the questions our two parliaments have about the agreement, then we should take it. The fact is that we have got many important initiatives to pursue across the board in our relationship, not just this one.
During the president’s visit, the two sides should also carve out time to have strategic conversations. Let me cite one example. There has been a great deal of talk recently about the rise of China and the so-called "triangular relationship" between China, India and the US. I’m very hopeful that we can see this relationship become one of strategic cooperation rather than competition. It will serve no good purpose for any two parties to try to contain the third.
One way to do this would be for India to join the US and China on the UN Security Council as a permanent member. This is an idea whose time has come, and the US should support it. If you are looking to reform the UN Security Council to reflect the realities of the 21st century as opposed to 1945 when the UN was established, how can India not be included?
I’m very pleased that the strengthening of ties, begun under Clinton, has now expanded into the defence field. This was not included in our list of 10 reasons to engage India because the sanctions were still in place then. I’m convinced that this improvement in our relations is, as I said earlier, a "win-win" for both countries. Neither side is seeking, or should seek, advantage over the other. I also believe that as we strengthen the relationship, we will also see the relationship mature. By that I mean we will sometimes have areas of disagreement, but they will not undermine or threaten the foundation of our relations. We will recognise, quite simply, that we have far many more issues—and values—that "unite us than divide us". That expression really does fit the US-India relationship.
I’m very encouraged by President Bush’s visit for many reasons, including the fact that this will be the first time that two successive US presidents have travelled to India—Clinton in 2000 and now Bush in 2006. New Delhi has become a required, not just a desired, part of an American president’s overseas travel while in office, just as it is to other capitals of our key allies and friends around the world. The trip also represents policy continuity from a Democratic to a Republican administration. This means we are now placing our relationship with India on a long-term sustainable basis.
(Karl F. Inderfurth was assistant secretary of state for South Asian Affairs in the Clinton administration from 1997-2001. He narrated this piece to Ashish Kumar Sen)
