Back in Delhi, Rao appointed his trusted aide S.K. Shinde as the Maharashtra Congress president—a ploy to keep a check on the followers of Sharad Pawar who could, in a favourable post-election scenario, challenge Rao's leadership. To add salt to injury, Rao appointed Sudhakarrao Naik, aknown Pawar-baiter from the state, as an AICC general secretary. Soon after, he invited factional leaders from Bihar for a patch-up and had an AICC circular sent to all state units to finalise poll planks and initiate selection of candidates. At long last, Rao seemed decisive and proactive enough to lead the party in the election.
However, his poll announcement and overtures to the Shankaracharya have galvanised a counter-move. Some senior leaders have ganged up with a strident anti-communalism slogan. Binding them together is the fear that the BJP may come out tops in the elections. They have also initiated attempts to bring back rebel Congress leaders, Arjun Singh and N.D. Tiwari, into the Congress. The move is, ironically, led by Industries Minister K. Karunakaran, who was the key lobbyist for Rao in his June 1991 bid for prime ministership. "Everyone is for it except the vested interests," says Karunakaran. He also suggests that Sonia Gandhi be included in the CWC and has already discussed the issue with Cabinet colleagues Balram Jakhar, Ghulam Nabi Azad, Rajesh Pilot—all CWC members. Among those amenable to the idea were CWC members like Pawar and Uttar Pradesh PCC chief Jitendra Prasada. Even Union minister of state Suresh Pachauri supports the move.
The only one to oppose the unity efforts openly is Youth Congress chief M.S. Bitta: "Those who stabbed the Prime Minister in the back have no place in the party," he said. Though unity votaries think Bitta is acting at Rao's behest, the Prime Minister's strategy is different. He has been showing a spirit of accommodation—constituting new state committees or expanding existing ones so as to give representation to all factions. In Delhi, the PCC is now a 112-member body compared to the Maharashtra strength of 169. In Andhra Pradesh, the poll committee and PCC together make for nearly 150 members while in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, it touches 200.
There is a method in the largesse. "Rao will be the only beneficiary. As differences are bound to crop up on issues like candidate selection, these committees will only perform the limited ritual function of referring the issue back to the high command," says a senior AICC functionary.
The unity move comes as a blighter to such plans. After all, if it succeeds, it will be at the cost of such a centralised authority. "If those who have abused the Congress for years can have a place in it, why not those who were born Congressmen and spent years for the party," says Pilot, supporting the unity move. "Only the BJP will have reasons to rejoice if it fails," he adds, ignoring the resistance coming people like Bitta.
Karunakaran refuses to reveal which rebel Congressmen he has been in touch with. But indications are that he has been contacting Arjun Singh, Tiwari and K.N. Singh, directly or through Pawar. Pilot also forms part of the core group. In fact, Karunakaran was planning to demand a new working president or vice-president to assist Rao during election time. The choice was from among himself, Pilot and A.R. Antulay. He is reported to have dropped the idea as it would discredit his unity efforts.
But Karunakaran's move and Rao's silence have given rise to an uncomfortable debate. Rao's Jhoteshwar trip, and Home Minister S.B. Chavan's participation in the the Shiv Sena-BJP government's functions in Maharashtra and the BJP government in Delhi have made the party unpopular among the minorities, the pro-unity camp feels. "The party has to take an uncompromising stand. Such activities on the part of a senior minister shouldn't be condoned," says Tariq Anwar, AICC minority cell chairman.
Others view it as a clever move by Rao to be on the BJP's right side in the event of a hung Parliament—the National Front-Left combine holds him guilty for the demolition and are opposed to him personally in the extreme case of their having to support the Congress to stall the BJP.
On the Maharashtra front, Shinde's presence may be no solution. The degree of autonomy Pawar gets during ticket distribution will matter a lot—the state was the single biggest contributor to the party's strength in the Lok Sabha, winning 40 out of 48 seats in 1991. Only in Gujarat can the Congress hope for a similar haul. AICC sources say a tussle is inevitable in Maharashtra because, though 30 sitting members are sure to be renominated, at least eight may be denied tickets. In addition, in the remaining 10 places, which are represented by the BJP, the Sena and other parties, Pawar would want a major share.
Pawar's strategy is clear from his demand that all ministers from the state—even Rajya Sabha members—should contest the polls. The target, of course, is Chavan, whose constituency Nanded is not considered too safe after his son Ashok Chavan was defeated last time. With the state Congress in a position to ensure just two seats in the February election to the Rajya Sabha against the seven who will retire—including Chavan, Azad, N.K.P. Salve and Suresh Kalmadi—Pawar is waiting to take on Chavan, his arch rival, in the first round.
"There's no question of groupism. I'llsoon be touring the state with all leaders, including Pawar," says Shinde. The party flagged off its campaign with a farmers' rally at Ahmednagar on Sunday. All leaders were in attendance, not the least a zestful Pawar. But he has also been in touch with opposition stalwarts like Karnataka Chief Minister H.D. Deve Gowda, Mulayam Yadav, N.T. Rama Rao and, of course, friend and mentor Chandra Shekhar, besides being actively involved in the Karunakaran-Pilot axis.
Amid such confusion, a non-controversial leader like HRD Minister Madhavrao Scindia is quietly working for unity, at least in his state Madhya Pradesh. He played a major role in defusing the crisis set off by last month's Cabinet reshuffle by Chief Minister Digvijay Singh, telling his aggrieved supporters that "reallocation of portfolios was the CM's prerogative"—unlike the Shukla brothers who demanded that the chief minister be sacked "because he's still working in tandem with Arjun Singh".
"All put together, the situation is grim," admits a Union minister. Unity or no unity, what the party can't afford at the moment is to duck the issue indefinitely. And Rao's choice is difficult: readmit his critics and thus automatically reduce his assertiveness, or lead a party of "yesmen" with a bleak electoral future.
