IN the end, the army did intervene to resolve perhaps the worst constitutional crisis in the history of Pakistan. It was formally invited to do so by prime minister Nawaz Sharif, who has won the largest mandate in the country's history. "The army has played a positive role in stabilising the situation and this role has been appreciated by the entire nation," said information minister Mushahid Hussain, who was everywhere during the last weeks of the crisis except within talking distance of the media. "It is thus clear that promoting and protecting the Constitution and the democratic system are central to the core values of the Pakistan army. This is a sign of stability, especially for a country like Pakistan, which has had the experience of varying periods of military rule in the past."
Once invited to play 'broker', it was evident that the army had no quick remedies. Many do feel the prolonging of the agony (which threatened to tear apart the political and social fabric of the state) was because Rawalpindi wanted an answer to come from the key players themselves. Others say they weren't unaware of the fact that only they had the sword which would ultimately cut the Gordian knot, and they should have nudged out the president a month ago. When asked by this correspondent a month ago whether the moment had come—like in 1993 when former army chief Gen Abdul Waheed stepped in and asked both the then president Ghulam Ishaq Khan and prime minister Nawaz Sharif to resign—army chief Jehangir Karamat replied: "I do not think we have reached that stage as yet because we still have many options before us. Yes, we will help if asked to, but how I do not know."
Even generals make mistakes, not only in wars but also in peacetime. It was no secret even a month ago that positions among the squabbling functionaries of the state had hardened to such an extent that a military takeover was spoken of. It became clear last week what the army had in mind. Islamabad police stood guard outside the supreme court and no extra forces from the army were sent either to the court or to the residence of the chief justice. The army had made up its mind and refused to respond either to the chief justice or to the president, who had asked for more security because they felt that the prime minister could not guarantee it.
In countless meetings with the president and the prime minister, in which the chief justice was also present, Karamat would often leave in anger. He never met the chief justice alone. Finally, on December 2, he met the president for the last time and told him that he had to either sign the government's recommendation appointing a new chief justice or else resign himself. It is said that international organisations, including donor agencies, had also indicated to the army to "bail out the prime minister for a few months more". None put it more bluntly than the Commonwealth secretary-general, Chief Emeyka Anayoku, who arrived in Islamabad a day after Leghari's resignation. "If a military government had taken the reigns, Pakistan would have to face an automatic expulsion from the Commonwealth," he said.
