Matters have certainly come to a head. The most damaging by-product of this episode is the proof provided by party leaders that politics indeed makes for strange bedfellows. Seldom in the recent past has the politics of survival been sought, so assiduously, to be given an ideological veneer.
The squabble in the party, rather among its 14 MPs, is ostensibly over the desire of the Kumar-Fernandes combine to ally with the BJP for the coming elections. And the stiff opposition to any such move by the Yadav-Shahabuddin group. The reality, however, is a little different.
As Kumar says, for the socialists and Lohiaites clamouring for a "grand anti-Congress coalition" a la 1967, the BJP "is not an untouchable". But have they forgotten their virulent campaign against the BJP in recent years? "Yes, we have always identified them as communal but their character is changing. We may not agree with them on every point but they are raising issues like economic imperialism, corruption and caste-ism. In sum, these outweigh the question of communalism. Even there, those who brand the BJP as communal are doing so to protect their own vote bank," adds Kumar.
The most striking proof of their elasticity is that they see "anti-Lalooism" as the logical extension of a national-level anti-Congressism. They feel they are, says former Bihar chief minister Abdul Ghafoor, "justified in joining hands with the BJP".
But then, they don't seem to have much of a choice. Those in the forefront of the anti-Laloo campaign over the past two years—Fernandes, Kumar, Brishan Patel, Mahendra Baitha, Manjay Lal and Ghafoor realise—as one of them admits, "joining with the National Front-Left Front combine, as some in the party want us to do, is no alternative for us. We will lose our seats as well as our credibility ifwe align with Laloo Prasad now".
And then there's the fact that the BJP is very eager to have them on board; having a respected secular Muslim leader like Ghafoor, a Kurmi like Kumar and veteran socialist Fernandes in their corner will give them the legitimacy they seek so desperately. "I do not deny that these reasons assure us that we will be treated well by the BJP," a senior pro-BJP leader admits.
The anti-BJP group on the other hand, harks back to the founding document of the party "which identified the BJP as communal and said that the aim of the party was to build a viable third alternative". Chandrajit Yadav emphasises that "most of us want to join the third front as it would be in keeping with what we set out to do. It is a matter of principle".
But others admit that despite the NF-LF's lukewarm attitude towards them, they have no choice. "I know it harms our credibility that we want to rush back into the Janata Dal's arms after we split the party, but what else can we do?" asks a senior member of this group. His logic is that it will be suicidefor Shahabuddin and Yunus Salim to even think of aligning with the BJP.
Chandrajit Yadav and Mohan Singh need Mulayam Singh's support in Uttar Pradesh to win and Hari Kishore Singh knows that only Laloo, at V. P. Singh's behest, can ensure his re-election from Bihar. "Even Harikewal Prasad realises he will lose his seat in Uttar Pradesh if he goes with the BJP but his loyalty to Fernandes will probably lead him to do so," adds another leader of the anti-BJP faction.
