Emperor's Clothes

It's a contest in which there are no rivals, a situation in which the will of the masses has been subverted before they have been asked to exercise their choice. But Gen Pervez Musharraf's public campaign for a referendum on his presidency has had its first result—it has compelled him to switch from wearing army uniform to civvies, to at least sport the veneer of a politician.

Even this cosmetic transformation was belated. In fact, Musharraf kicked off his referendum campaign in Lahore on April 9 wearing army uniform. And after the crowd had listened and returned home, there was a fierce debate about sartorial symbolism: should Musharraf wear army uniform at public rallies?

Most thought he shouldn't. Ditto even the clutch of commanders at the General Headquarters. The budding democrat in Musharraf relented; he wore the traditional salwar-kameez and turban at his next meeting in Quetta. And then, as is his wont, he sought to make the most of it, declaring, "This is the first time I've become a politician and have come to you without wearing my uniform. I've worn a uniform for about 37 years and it has become part of my body. But for you I have come in salwar-kameez."

No one quite understood what he meant. Perhaps he was reminding the crowds about the sacrifices involved in the decision to opt for a referendum on his presidency. At Lahore, though, his candour was exemplary. He told the crowd, "I've risked my office and myself by subjecting myself to the will of the masses. I could remain president without announcing the referendum. But I chose a risky way to remove ambiguity."

Obviously, people are expected to be beholden to him for the risk he's taking—for himself. And what a risk it is. On April 30, voters countrywide have the choice to say yes or no to the question Musharraf framed at the Lahore rally: "Do you want to elect Pervez Musharraf for the next five years for: survival of the local government system; restoration of democracy; continuity and stability of reforms; eradication of extremism and sectarianism; and for the accomplishment of Jinnah's concept?" The voter also has one other option—not to turn up to cast his ballot.

Some would call this cheating, questioning the very nature of a democracy where a verdict on one question decides other issues. As Musharraf told the Lahoris, "The public support in my favour will vindicate my decision of not allowing Benazir and Nawaz (in politics). A big public support for me means that both of them will not return, that their political career has ended."

At most of his rallies—he'll have addressed at least 20 by April 30—he has concentrated his attack on Benazir and Nawaz's corruption. Benazir has also been targeted for suggesting a soft Indo-Pak border on the lines of EU; she's also called a "security risk" for asking India to mount pressure for reviving democracy in Pakistan.

All this hasn't moved the crowds. Even in Lahore—considered the bastion of anti-India sentiments—the participants in the rally were largely quiescent, choosing not to demonstrate the passion they had in the '70s, when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto mesmerised them through the slogan of "Crush India". Musharraf lacks the elan of political leaders, neither possessing their charisma nor their ability to work the crowds into a frenzy.

For most parts, the audience is there as a matter of compulsion. Besides using government machinery for his campaign, the regime has also mobilised 2,00,000 district, sub-district and village councillors elected in last year's grassroots-level polls held as part of his 'real democracy plan' to transfer power from top to bottom. They're the members of what you can call the King's party. And though ISI Public Relations director-general Major-general Rashid Qureshi denies using the state exchequer to finance the ongoing campaign, the Punjab government did sanction Rs 3.5 million for his first public meeting.

Yet it's not all easy going for Musharraf. For one, 27 parties have formed an anti-referendum alliance and are demanding the lifting of the ban on political activities, enforced since March 2000. Both Nawaz and Benazir's parties have asked the people to boycott the referendum. Worse, there have been confrontations between the media and the President's men, stung as they have been by the coverage of their leader's campaign. But then, make no mistake, Musharraf makes no mistakes—he will win the April 30 contest.