This deeply researched book helps sheds light on nutrition myths and hidden hunger.
Drawing on decades of experience in the development sector, the author argues that a country can make food available without necessarily making its people well nourished.
The politics of food distribution in independent India is examined in great detail in this book.
The promise to feed the poor has long shaped India's welfare programmes, electoral campaigns and governments’ claims of progress. But what happens when the presence of food is mistaken for the presence of nutrition? What if we are being misinformed about our nutrition needs in order to make us feel we are well fed ?
The answers to these questions are at the heart of Basanta Kumar Kar ‘s Malnutrition: Fed or Misled? The Truth Beyond Food (Hachette India). The book not only focuses on the issue of malnourishment in india but also tells us why and how we reached here, and asks whether we even understand the issue correctly.
Kar makes the argument through decades of experience in nutrition policy and development work, as to how our focus has more been on hunger. “It is visible, immediate and politically consequential,” he writes.
Kar argues that malnutrition is not simply a problem of hunger or inadequate calorie intake. It is also a consequence of how food is produced, distributed, marketed and consumed; how welfare programmes are designed; and how the needs of the most vulnerable are understood, or overlooked, by policymakers.
Kar calls malnutrition a “cloaked monster”. Hunger, he writes, has the advantage of being immediately recognisable: “Hunger sells. It's the showstopper at every global poverty and health event.” Malnutrition, by contrast, is more difficult to identify and confront because it can exist even when people are eating regularly. A diet can supply calories without supplying adequate nutrients. A product marketed as healthy can contain ingredients that undermine that promise. And a public distribution system can successfully deliver grain without necessarily providing a balanced diet.
This distinction is the starting point of the book’s inquiry into what India has achieved, what it has misunderstood and what its response to malnutrition must look like.
The Politics of Feeding India
One of the book’s more compelling sections examines the politics of food distribution in independent India. In his discussion of the Public Distribution System, the Targeted Public Distribution System, the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana, the Integrated Child Development Services, PM-POSHAN and the Poshan Abhiyaan, Kar traces the evolution of the country's efforts to address food insecurity and malnutrition.
These programmes have played an important role in establishing systems through which food and nutritional support can reach millions. But their existence also raises a question: why does a country with such an extensive network of publicly funded food programmes continue to struggle with malnutrition?
Discussing the extension of the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana, Kar asks, “Surely if India was well nourished, such schemes would run redundant?” The question is not an argument against welfare. Rather, it challenges the assumption that the scale of food distribution can, by itself, serve as a measure of nutritional progress. Kar also examines what he describes as the politics of saturation, in which food-grain self-sufficiency and the promise of feeding the poor become powerful political narratives. The emphasis, he suggests, has often been on the visible act of providing food and the political credit that accompanies it, rather than on the less straightforward task of improving dietary quality.
His discussion of the “unchosen menu” extends this argument. The food people eat is not always the outcome of an informed choice. It is shaped by public programmes, household resources, agricultural practices, market availability and the products promoted by companies. For many, the menu is determined as much by what they can afford and access as much as by what they would ideally choose to eat.
This is particularly relevant in a country where subsidised cereals remain an important source of food security, while the affordability and accessibility of diverse, nutritious foods vary considerably across communities. Kar asks readers to look beyond the reassuring language of food security and consider whether the systems supporting it are also enabling people to eat well.
The People Behind the Policy
The book is at its most affecting when it moves away from policy frameworks and towards the lives shaped by them. Through accounts of people such as Kanha, Nirmala, Ravi AND Suman and Madhav, alongside experiences OF tribal communities and other marginalised sections, Kar shows what nutritional deprivation looks like beyond the indicators used to measure it. These stories draw on his encounters with people in remote and excluded areas, including communities in states such as Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh.
The value of these accounts lies in their insistence that malnutrition cannot be separated from the circumstances of everyday life. Poverty, difficult geography, social exclusion, inadequate public services and the struggle to secure a livelihood influence what people eat and whether their bodies can make use of the food they consume.
Kar told Outlook about his experience of working on a super-cyclone programme in Odisha, where immediate needs—rescue, shelter, food, drinking water and debris removal—preceded livelihood support. The experience, he says, underscores a larger truth: balanced nutrition is difficult to prioritise when basic needs and dignity remain uncertain. “You cannot tell them malnutrition, good nutrition, because life is important,” he said.
The observation brings a necessary human dimension to a debate often dominated by targets, supplements and programme design. It also exposes the limitations of interventions that attempt to address a single symptom without considering the conditions that produced it.
Kar notes that providing iron tablets or fortified products may improve a particular nutritional indicator, but the improvement can be temporary if the underlying circumstances remain unchanged. He draws a distinction between a change in condition and a change in position: the former may register an immediate improvement, while the latter requires changes that enable people to sustain it.
This is one of the book's strongest arguments. Nutritional health cannot be secured through isolated interventions alone when people continue to experience poverty, exclusion, inadequate living conditions and limited access to diverse foods. A programme may address a deficiency without changing the conditions that make that deficiency likely to recur.
The Business of Misleading Consumers
The book also examines the commercial forces shaping food choices, something that has become the centre of the conversation lately in India with the Front of the Packaging Label debate.
While speaking to Outlook, Kar identified food companies, misleading advertisements, product claims and myths surrounding nutrition as important contributors to the problem. He was particularly critical of products that acquire an aura of health simply because they contain added vitamins or other nutrients.
Some ultra-processed products, for instance, he points out, are fortified with vitamins A or D, a feature that may lead consumers to perceive them as nutritious even when the product's overall nutritional value does not justify that impression.
Protein supplements, too, can be marketed as solutions to a much wider range of nutritional concerns than they can reasonably address. The problem, in Kar's account, is not simply the existence of such products but the claims, associations and expectations built around them.
Why Policy Needs to Look Beyond the Numbers
Kar acknowledges the greater political attention nutrition has received over the years in India, including the launch of the Poshan Abhiyaan in 2018. He also recognises examples of progress at the state level that, in his view, deserve closer examination.
His concern is that political commitment has not translated into sufficiently substantial or equitable improvements in nutritional outcomes.
“The disconnect is a frustration,” he says, referring to the gap between political and policy commitments and the changes visible on the ground.
This gap is partly an implementation problem, but Kar says that it also reflects weaknesses in policy design, data collection and coordination between departments. Nutrition cannot be the responsibility of one ministry alone. The work involves health, women and child development, education, local government and other institutions whose responsibilities overlap. Yet, coordination between them remains a challenge at different levels of administration.
Kar's formulation is expansive: convergence must operate “from gram sabha to Lok Sabha” and “from gram pradhan to pradhanmantri tak”.
