Bihar Elections 2025: Criminal Politics and Katta Culture Still Haunt The State

Just days after high-profile public killings in Patna, bullets flew again on July 17, this time inside Paras Hospital in the state capital. A gang strolled into the hospital and gunned down a patient on parole undergoing treatment. The hospital’s CCTV footage shows a chillingly casual execution and deepening public fear, dragging poll-bound Bihar’s fragile sense of order back into question.

On July 12, in Patna’s Shekhpura village, 52-year-old Surendra Kewat was tending to his field when two men on a motorcycle pulled up and shot him four times. Kewat, a veterinary doctor and former president of the BJP Kisan Morcha, was rushed to AIIMS Patna, where doctors declared him dead on arrival. Police summoned a forensic team and began an investigation. As of now, no arrests have been made and the identity of the killers remains unknown.

Eight days before Kewat’s killing, BJP-linked businessman and Magadh Hospital owner Gopal Khemka was shot dead outside his Gandhi Maidan home in Patna. His murder revived memories of his son’s 2018 killing. Though arrests were made days later, the case remains under investigation, unsettling the city’s business circles. On July 14, in Begusarai, four men on bikes opened fire near Lohia Nagar’s railway gate, killing 25-year-old Amit Kumar. Two others were injured. Police arrested three, seizing a pistol, cartridges and Rs 2.7 lakh in cash.

These back-to-back killings have intensified scrutiny on the Nitish Kumar-led Bihar government. The timing could not have been worse, with just months to go before the general elections. The incidents have brought the term ‘jungle raj’ back into public discourse, with opposition leaders and political strategist Prashant Kishor claiming that law and order in Bihar has returned to the chaos last seen under the Lalu-Rabri regime. “There is no difference between Lalu’s jungle raj and Nitish’s rule. During Lalu’s rule, there was a rampage by criminals, and in Nitish’s rule, there is a rampage by officials,” the head of the Jan Suraaj Party said.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in his recent rallies in Bihar, has not missed out on a chance to invoke the phrase. “Beware of the lies and deceit of those who brought jungle raj,” he told a crowd in Vikramganj in Bihar on May 30. On June 20, in Siwan, he said: “Those who once imposed jungle raj are again seeking an opportunity in Bihar.” Over the past two months, Modi has made three visits to Bihar, and in each of his speeches, ‘jungle raj’ has found its place.

The phrase jungle raj was, in fact, coined not by politicians but by a bench of the Patna High Court in August 1997. During a hearing, Justices VP Anand and Dharampal Sinha observed that “there is no government in the state, rather, jungle raj prevails.” That remark came at the height of Lalu’s rule and has since become shorthand for state-sanctioned lawlessness. The term encapsulated a decade-and-a-half of rampant kidnappings, caste massacres, extortion and impunity. Ironically, the parties that built their political campaigns riding on the promise of ending jungle raj, namely the JD(U) and BJP, now find themselves on the defensive as critics accuse the current regime of harbouring the same.

In the past seven days Bihar has witnessed at least 17 murders. In Patna alone, nearly a dozen killings have taken place over two months. According to official data, from January to May 2024, the state recorded 142 murders. During the same period this year, the count stands at 116. The July 6 killing of five people in Purnia, allegedly after they were accused of witchcraft, has further deepened public anxiety. The victims, all from marginalised communities, were doused in kerosene and set ablaze. The attack occurred just two days after Khemka’s murder and amid a growing list of violent crimes across districts.

Deputy Chief Minister Vijay Sinha has publicly admitted that the state’s policing and administrative apparatus are faltering. Chirag Paswan, Union Minister and leader of the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas), also criticised Nitish for failing to ensure safety and rein in crime. He said the current spate of murders is not accidental but symptomatic of a larger breakdown.

The law and order situation has prompted comparisons with the Lalu era. Prem Kumar Mani, a political veteran and former associate of both Lalu and Nitish, believes the arc of governance in Bihar has come full circle. “Lalu’s first term had promise. He gave a voice to the poor and marginalised. But he was soon surrounded by people with questionable reputations. We then aligned with Nitish, formed the Samata Party, and brought about change in 2005,” says Mani.

Nitish’s initial years in office saw a sharp drop in crime and visible improvements in road and school infrastructure. In 2005, JD(U) won 88 seats. By 2010, it increased to 115, riding on a clean governance image. In contrast, Lalu’s party (then Janata Dal, later Rashtriya Janata Dal) had won 122 seats in 1990 and 167 seats in 1995. But according to Mani, both leaders lost control in their later terms. “Everyday shootings are becoming normal again. It’s just like Lalu’s time,” he says.

The word “questionable,” as used by Mani, is often a euphemism for caste-based muscle power. In the 1990s, several districts saw the rise of criminal strongmen, often aligned with political parties extortion became part of the power play. Lalu himself was jailed in connection with the fodder scam, and his relatives, like Sadhu Yadav and Subhash Yadav, were linked to criminal cases.

The JD(U) argues that the difference today lies in accountability. “Under Lalu, the police didn’t act. Now, action is taken within 24 to 72 hours. Bihar has a conviction rate of 62 per cent, second only to Uttar Pradesh. Earlier, criminals were protected by the state; now, even a minister’s son won’t be spared,” says BJP spokesperson Neeraj Kumar.

“In the past, crimes were organised and state-sponsored. Today, there is rule of law, and criminals—regardless of who they are—are prosecuted. No compromise,” the ruling JD(U)’s Abhishek Jha adds. But RJD general secretary Mohammad Fayaz Alam says these claims don’t hold up against data. “They’ve ruled for 20 years; we ruled for 15. Compare the data and see who presided over more crimes. During our time, resources were scarce; just five policemen per station and limited vehicles. Today, they have all the facilities, yet crimes are rising,” he says.

According to RJD figures, Bihar saw 1.24 lakh cognisable crimes in 1990, 1.15 lakh in 1995 and 97,850 in 2005. Under Nitish, the numbers rose to 1.27 lakh (2005–2010), 1.76 lakh (2010–2015) and 1.96 lakh (2015–2018). That’s a 101.2 per cent increase compared to the RJD’s tenure. The Nitish government faced the worst criticism after a TISS report in 2018 mentioned repeated sexual abuse of 34 underage girls in a Muzaffarpur shelter home.

National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data from 2022 supports the concern. That year, Bihar reported a 23 per cent jump in crime, the highest in the country. With 2,930 murders, Bihar ranked second only to Uttar Pradesh. It was also third in kidnappings with 11,822 cases. Between 2017 and 2021, the state registered over 14,800 murders, averaging 2,800 to 3,150 such incidents per year.

Former Bihar DGP Abhayanand, regarded as a key figure in crime control under Nitish Kumar’s previous regimes, recalls his “Speedy Trial” initiative during his tenure as ADG (Headquarters). “We implemented speedy trials, especially in Arms Act cases, sentencing offenders within seven days of arrest. This curbed illegal gun possession and significantly reduced crime,” says Abhayanand.

Incidentally, Munger in Bihar has a history of guns and the business of guns has been a generational profession in the region. With the government gun factory in shambles today, out of work gunsmiths work in illegal gun factories, a business that goes on despite police raids from time to time.

He believes crime is driven by black money and that combating it requires targeting its financial sources. When asked about Lalu’s jungle raj and the current law and order situation in Bihar, Abhayanand says: “Back then, anything could happen at any time. From a crime perspective, what could be worse than that? But if you look at today’s crimes purely in terms of perception, it might feel as if you’re living in the same era; the Lalu regime. In those days, kidnappings were rampant, whereas today, murders are far more frequent. Back then, the police hardly investigated anything. Today, the methodology of policing has improved significantly; something we worked hard to initiate. That system is now evolving further. In my view, crime is largely a matter of perception, not just data. Data is only one way of shaping perception.”

Public safety for women remains another flashpoint.

On May 26, a 10-year-old Dalit girl was raped in Muzaffarpur and later died in hospital. Statewide outrage followed. Within a month, ten more cases involving minor girls emerged. On July 7, three women were among five burnt alive in Purnia in the witchcraft killings. According to NCRB data, rape cases in Bihar rose from 651 in 2018 to 881 in 2022. From 2019 to 2021, the Ministry of Home Affairs documented 51,896 sexual violence cases in the state, including 22,360 disappearances of girls. Over 8,000 of those missing were minors.

The State Women’s Commission has over 6,000 pending cases related to violence against women.

Professor DM Diwakar, former director of the AN Sinha Institute of Social Studies, says that if jungle raj is defined by fear, extortion, and state apathy, then it never really ended. “Yes, Lalu’s time saw corruption and kidnappings, but so does today. Now, in every block office, you can’t get work done without paying bribes. Earlier, the poor suffered and the media raised its voice. Today, the beneficiaries of power are silent, which is why they don’t see this as jungle raj,” he said.

The perception of lawlessness has also been sharpened by yet another controversy. The Election Commission of India’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the voter list has asked citizens to submit 11 documents within 20 days, sparking confusion and panic. Several parties have likened it to a backdoor introduction of the National Register of Citizens.

Hayat Ashraf, a civil rights activist from Bihar, says the exercise has turned coercive. “The documents they’re demanding aren’t easy to produce. People are lining up at block offices, pleading, paying bribes. Some are developing anxiety and health issues. You tell me, is this good governance or jungle raj?”

As Bihar, one of India’s most politically significant states, inches closer to elections, the battle over public memory is likely to intensify. For now, Bihar’s crime graph continues to climb, while the political rhetoric circles back to a familiar place. Whether under Lalu or Nitish, jungle raj, it seems, remains difficult to root out.

In Jungle Raj, Outlook’s August 1 issue, we explored why the Bihar elections matter so much. Our reporters delved into the state’s caste equations, governance records, electoral controversies and national ambitions, along with taking a hard look at the law and order situation— all of which make the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections one of the most consequential state polls of this electoral cycle. The article appeared as 'Rule of Katta'

Asghar Khan is senior correspondent from Jharkhand.