Young people and ordinary citizens took charge of campaigning, reaching voters through social media and street-level mobilisation.
Lula’s campaign underestimated its opponents in the first round but turned the tide through an intensive 21-day mobilisation drive.
Zanatta says personal networks and trusted voices proved more effective in mobilising voters than conventional party messaging.
Eduardo Zanatta, a councillor from Brazil’s Workers’ Party (PT), spoke about the role of grassroots mobilisation in President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s re-election campaign, when young people took the initiative to produce campaign material and reach voters through street-level outreach and social media. Their participation, he said, was crucial to the campaign.
In an interview to Outlook, Zanatta discusses the challenges of Lula’s re-election, how ordinary citizens helped counter the far right and external interference, and the lessons Brazil’s campaign holds for political movements elsewhere.
Q: Did you expect this kind of victory, despite the considerable external pressure this time, with President Trump weighing in?
A: We had a really tough election in Brazil. It was probably the hardest one in the last decade. We had youth movements, student movements, trade unions and ordinary people who had never been involved in the party or social movements. They took to the streets to campaign for President Lula's re-election.
They made their own campaign material, printed stickers and flyers, and went out to speak to people. They wanted to prevent the return of the Bolsonaro family and the far-right in Brazil. People understood what was at stake if they did not act.
The first round was particularly difficult because we did not expect Bolsonaro to finish first. President Lula had considerable support on social media and on the streets, but this was the first time that a candidate who finished second in the first round managed to overturn the result and win the election in Brazil. What we achieved was historic.
Q: President Lula was seeking re-election. It's easier to mobilise people when you are contesting an election from outside the government. Once you are in power, you are seen as the establishment. How did you overcome that challenge?
A: We mobilised people, particularly through social media. People who had never made videos or participated in politics online began doing so. Take my mother, for instance. She had never recorded videos, but she decided to go on Instagram, record a message and tell our neighbours and people on the street why we needed to elect Lula and prevent the return of a fascist agenda.
People who had never made videos or posted political messages were suddenly campaigning for votes on social media. People trust their neighbours and those they know, rather than just political messaging.
Q: What went wrong in the first round, when Lula finished second?
A: I believe the Workers' Party and everyone else thought that Lula alone would be enough to win the election. We underestimated our opponents. The party leadership also failed to recognise the challenge. We thought we had good economic results and good public policies, and that people would understand this because Lula is the biggest political leader we have in Brazil and Latin America.
But it did not work. Everyone became worried. The 21 days of the second round were very intense. From October 4 to October 25, for three weeks, nobody in the country talked about anything other than politics. Every day was about turning more votes in our favour.
Q: How did you use social media and WhatsApp to mobilise supporters?
A: We also built a membership drive. There was a campaign initiative called Lula's Army, which brought together 10 million people on WhatsApp. Every day, they were given instructions on what to do. For instance, people would be asked to take a picture at 9 am wearing the Brazilian shirt and making the letter L with their hands. The L became a symbol across the country.
The right wing also had the support of Meta and other platforms. They were working against us. But we defeated Meta, Trump and external interference through people recording and sharing their own videos. The opposition did not know how to respond because this was a form of campaigning they were not prepared for.
The Workers’ Party also pursued legal action. Meta will have to pay a fine of around $7 million because it failed to release our campaign videos. But people were using their mobile phones and producing their own campaign material, so they did not have to depend on official party content.
Q: What are your fraternal party relationships in India? Do you have relations with the BJP or the Congress? Which political parties do you engage with here?
A: We have very good relations with the Congress and the Communist Party, as well as all parties from the centre to the Left.
Q: What about your relationship with the BJP, which is part of the ruling establishment in India?
A: We have government-to-government relations, rather than party-to-party relations. It is important to say that we have very good relations with the Indian government. I am not part of the government, but our relations are good, particularly through BRICS. Bolsonaro tried to take Brazil out of BRICS. But Lula's victory has also strengthened BRICS ahead of next year.
Q: Have you been following the Gen Z movements in India and Bangladesh? Can you compare their campaigns and mobilisation with what happened in Brazil?
A: I think we can make comparisons, not just with India and Bangladesh but also with Spain, where elections have taken place this month, and with elections next year in Italy, Argentina and France. I believe the way we conducted our campaign can offer lessons to different regions around the world.
Q: Do you think there is a shift towards the Left across the world?
A: We hope so. We are willing to help. That is why I am here: to share our experience.
