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Ambedkar Jayanti: What is Democracy?

B.R. Ambedkar’s views on religion, democracy, economic equality, nationalism, communism and free and fair elections are as relevant today as they were then.

Ambedkar Jayanti | What is Democracy? Credits: Tribhuvan Tiwari
Summary
  • If society is hierarchical, then political democracy is a hollow shell

  • Religion should be used to enhance a democratic society rather than as an instrument of oppression

  • Democracy involves disagreement, debates, competition, and opposition

In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the INDIA bloc contested on the main theme of saving the Constitution written by B.R. Ambedkar. The alliance alleged that democratic spaces are shrinking under the current government. Ambedkar has been invoked many times since then. On his 135th birth anniversary, political parties across spectrum are celebrating Ambedkar Jayanti centred around the themes of saving the Constitution

and social justice. On April 12, the Congress flagged off a marathon themed ‘Run for Ambedkar, Run for Constitution’ to raise awareness about defending the Constitution of India and honouring Ambedkar’s legacy. The Maharashtra government is celebrating ‘Social Equality Week’, while the Delhi government is celebrating “Bhim Jyoti Utsav”—a constitution-themed festival. The Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh is celebrating Ambedkar Jayanti at the village level under the theme ‘Save Constitution’. But what really did Ambedkar say about Democracy?

Social Democracy As A Foundation For Democracy

Ambedkar not only talked about elections and the Constitution, but his main concern was about society, how society itself lives and breathes. According to him, an ideal society should be mobile, where anyone is free from birth-based fixation, free to change occupations, social status, associations, ideas, opportunities, and values. A caste-based, rigid society is immobile; people are trapped in fixed positions. Ambedkar emphasises communication and sharing because democracy requires awareness of others’ interests and shared public concerns.

According to Ambedkar, democracy means inter-dining, inter-marriages, shared work and civic spaces, without everyday contact; equality remains abstract. Caste-based society prevents endosmosis by enforcing purity, pollution and separation. Fraternity is another name for democracy; without fraternity, democracy cannot exist, and no Constitution can save democracy, felt Ambedkar.

Democracy is not a political machinery, but it’s a social relationship. If people do not treat each other equally, democracy will not exist, despite having elections in the political system. Voting alone does not make a society democratic. Democracy does not begin in Parliament; it begins in social relations.

Political democracy without social democracy could slide into despotism. If society is hierarchical, then political democracy is a hollow shell. Democracy is a way of life; people treat each other with mutual respect; it’s not merely a form of government. Ambedkar clearly wanted a complete annihilation of caste. He is not just rejecting the caste-based system; he is also offering a new moral and social order. Caste is anti-democratic in nature. According to Ambedkar, an ideal society should be based on Liberty, Equality and Fraternity.

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Religion As A Doctrinal Basis For Democracy

Ambedkar made a strong moral and political claim: every religion must be compatible with equality and justice. Non-scientific rituals and beliefs must be questioned and replaced. According to him, religion must be based on rational, ethical, and moral principles. Ambedkar connected religion directly to democratic ideals such as liberty (freedom of conscience and action), equality (all human beings are equal in dignity and rights), and fraternity (mutual respect and social solidarity).

Religion must adopt these principles that would establish democracy in society. Religion is also a mirror and a value of democracy. Religion should be based on social and moral equality, respect for all members of society, and shared ethical norms for collective living. Religion should be used to enhance a democratic society rather than as an instrument of oppression. Ambedkar also did not claim to be a theologian; he did not prescribe dogma; he simply provided ethical and sociological guidance. That is why Ambedkar converted to

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Buddhism on 14th October 1956 along with his six lakh followers at Deekshabhoomi in Nagpur, Maharashtra: it is based on liberty, equality, and fraternity.

Linguistic Provinces And Democracy

Ambedkar sociologically was in favour of linguistic provinces. According to him, social homogeneity affects the functioning of democracy. A linguistic province would make democracy better because, according to Ambedkar, democracy requires social cohesion. Linguistic unity ensures social homogeneity. When people share the same language, they are more likely to cooperate politically. This reduces conflict, factionalism and mistrust. A democratic constitution alone is insufficient; social conditions are very important for the smooth functioning of democracy.

Ambedkar observes that when one language tends to dominate, minorities feel suppressed and underrepresented. This leads to resentment, instability and separatism. Language was a very important factor in administrative and political cohesion. Ambedkar’s arguments justify the linguistic reorganisation act of the Indian States of the 1950s. This is

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Ambedkar’s pragmatic thought: democracy depends on social conditions and institutions.

Ambedkar does not say linguistic identity overrides constitutional identity; instead, linguistic states are just administrative units, not sovereign entities. Ambedkar supported linguistic states because shared language strengthens democratic participation and enhances administrative work.

Administration And Democracy

Democracy involves disagreement, debates, competition, and opposition, but disagreement should be productive, not destructive. Even in the case of disagreement, people belong to the same moral community. Without fellow feelings, opposition becomes hostility, politics becomes warfare, and institutions lose legitimacy.

Even if elections are democratic, the administration may still be biased. There may be discrimination in appointments, policy implementation, and limited access to justice. It will erode trust in the nation-state when the state itself is a biased democracy, would be in form but not in substance. Democracy cannot survive where the state discriminates among its people. Administrative discrimination would make democracy unworkable.

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Opposition Is essential For Democracy

Ambedkar warned against one-party rule; he defended that pluralism is the lifeblood of democracy. Modern democracy works through political parties and elections. The rule of a single party is fatal for democracy. One-party rule could monopolise power, marginalise the opposition, and ultimately lead to the collapse of democracy. Single-party rule could eliminate choice, delegitimise criticism and erode accountability. According to Ambedkar, democracy without alternatives is not a democracy. A one-party system removes options, even if elections exist.

Ambedkar, by citing Germany (Hitler) and Italy (Mussolini), argued that in one case, a party that used the democratic process came to power, destroyed the opposition once in office, and, by appealing to nationalism and unity, justified authoritarian rule, as history has proven. According to Ambedkar, democracy ends when power ceases to be questioned. He says opposition should not be optional; it is essential for democracy. Democracy requires a government that governs and an opposition that scrutinises, questions and challenges the government. A two-party or multi-party competition prevents the concentration of power and protects democracy from despotism.

Economic Equality And Democracy

According to Ambedkar, political equality without economic equality makes democracy hollow. Democracy is not just one person, one vote, but one person's equal worth. Democracy enforces political equality through adult suffrage, but outside the elections, wealth decides influence. Capitalist influence on policy and economic power dominates society just as brutally as the state.

Ambedkar argues that the constitution not only regulates power but should also regulate property and economic relations. If democracy ignores economic inequality, it will destroy itself from within. Ambedkar asked why democracy should stop at the polling booth. Ambedkar also talked about industrial democracy. In the industry, workers obey the orders but do not participate in decision-making.

Economic life is governed by owners, but not by those who work. Ambedkar believes economic power shapes political power. He suggests that the democratisation of industry is required to uphold the dignity of labourers and labour, reduce exploitation, and enhance their quality of life through democratic values. Democracy must flow from Parliament to Industry.

Nationalism And Democracy

Ambedkar had no hesitation when nationalists called him a communalist because he raised his voice for the marginalised sections of society. He proudly admits that he will speak for the rights of the marginalised and speak truth about social injustice, even if it goes against the majority or nationalistic narrative. Ambedkar criticised Indian nationalism because they are selective patriotic. They see social injustice but are not willing to address it. Their main concern was to get power and privilege only. Ambedkar argues that nationalism without social justice is hollow.

Ambedkar demanded laws, legal safeguards, and institutional support for marginalised and minority communities. According to Ambedkar, true democracy can only survive when nationalism aims at practical equality and social justice; mere sympathy or abstract nationalism is meaningless to achieve true democracy.

Communism And Democracy

Ambedkar criticised communist political theory, the idea of the permanent dictatorship of the proletariat. He is not opposed to radical change, but his focus is on morality, accountability, and democracy. A nation-state based on dictatorship will ruin freedom and democracy. According to Ambedkar, a short-term dictatorship is justified when democracy is in danger. He accepts that in a crisis or extraordinary situation, there will be a need for strong centralised power, but it must be temporary.

In the Indian context, Ambedkar gave the example of Emperor Ashoka. He used violence during the Kalinga war, but after winning the Kalinga war, he and converted to Buddhism. He transformed himself from a conqueror to a moral ruler.

Hindu Code Bill And Democracy

Ambedkar addressed a meeting of women in Bombay (now Mumbai) on November 24, 1951, and said that the Hindu Code Bill would improve the conditions of women in this country by providing equal rights and constitutional safeguards and would bring real democracy to the country. The Hindu Code Bill was a social reform and democratic constitutional action. The Hindu Code Bill (1951) provided legal rights for women, including equal property rights, divorce rights, and Gender equality in family law. That is why Ambedkar, in the meeting with women, asked them to support it. So, he urged women to vote for those candidates who are talking for their rights.

Although the bill was not passed in 1951 due to Congress not supporting it, it was later passed in separate acts, such as the Hindu Marriage Act (1955), the Hindu Succession Act (1956), the Hindu Marriage and Guardianship Act (1956), and the Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act (1956). These laws significantly improved the legal safeguards for women.

According to Ambedkar, constitutional equality must enter within the family. Women’s liberation is central to true democracy. Democracy without gender justice is incomplete.

Free And Fair Elections Are The Pillar Of Democracy

According to Ambedkar, free and fair elections are necessary to establish parliamentary democracy in this country. Elections allow people to change the government without any violence.

In olden times, when a king died, success often led to violence. Democracy replaces this violent model; people can change the government at the ballot box without bloodshed. Without free and fair elections, a government become authoritarian. The public’s trust in institutions will collapse. Elections are not just a formality; it’s a source of democratic legitimacy.

Constitutionalism And Parliamentary Democracy Are Not Enough To Establish True Democracy

Ambedkar says adult suffrage alone cannot serve democracy. According to Ambedkar, a perfect constitutional system can exclude large groups from social and economic benefits that serve only elites. So constitutional morality can preserve institutions, but it does not automatically ensure people’s rule. Parliamentary democracy often fails to deliver social justice. Power remains in the hands of the few elites and the governing class.

Parliamentary democracy can only work well when society is socially and economically democratic, and when civic morality prevails. Parliamentary democracy sometimes fails because its change the government but not the social and economic power. Ambedkar gave examples of Italy, Germany, and Russia (while writing in the 1950s). They adopted parliamentary democracy but failed because social and economic democracy was low, whereas the USA and England survived because it was high.

Ambedkar emphasised constitutionalism and constitutional morality. Ambedkar was radical in thought, but he wanted all changes made through the constitutional process. According to him, respect for the constitution, rule of law must be cultivated in society. According to him, constitutional morality must be cultivated through education, socialisation, and civic culture.

Hero-Worship Is Against Democracy

Ambedkar warned against hero worship in Politics. Democracies collapse not only when liberties are taken away but also when the people voluntarily hand them over to a great man. When citizens blindly trust their leaders and stop questioning, checking, and limiting power. Gratitude also has a limit. True loyalty should be to the nation and its institutions, not to any individuals.

Ambedkar made a sociological observation about Indian politics. According to him, Indian political culture is shaped by devotion, this spill from religion to politics. Leaders became an object of faith, not accountable; this is not accidental, it's historical and cultural. Devotion would destroy citizenship, obedience is a democratic suicide, and blind faith in a leader is fatal. In politics, devotion to the leaders discourages criticism; this is the psychological foundation of the dictatorship.

Through devotion to leadership, the hero would be placed above the Institutions; Institutions would weaken, criticism would feel like betrayal to leaders, opposition would become illegitimate, power would concentrate in one hand, and dictatorship would follow. That is why, according to Ambedkar, hero-worship is a sure road to degradation. Freedom from British imperialism means nothing if citizens surrender their freedom to leaders. Democracy will strengthen when citizens trust laws and institutions more than they do their leaders.

Buddhism As A Way For Democracy

According to Ambedkar, the rise of Buddhism in India was similar to the French Revolution. Buddhism brings about a revolution in equality, fraternity, compassion, peace, and liberty. It has paved the way for an egalitarian, democratic approach in India. Equality is not just social; it's also moral and spiritual, as Buddhism emphasises. Buddhism is based on human dignity, social justice and rationality.

Ambedkar saw Buddhism as the foundation for democratic culture because, through the sangha, it encourages collective decision-making and promotes equality within the monastic community. Ambedkar also connects Buddhism to socialism because it rejects extreme wealth accumulation, promotes the ethical use of resources, and emphasises social and moral responsibility. Buddhism seeks social transformation through moral change and avoids violence. Buddhism gives freedom of thought and moral autonomy; it has laid the foundations for democracy in India.

Krishna Mohan Lal is a PhD research scholar at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai

(Views expressed are personal)

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