Between Survival and Relevance, Congress in Bihar Rethinks Its Future

In Bihar’s political landscape, the Congress today finds itself at a decisive moment, where it must rethink not only its survival but also its relevance. The results of the last Bihar Assembly elections have triggered serious reflection within the party and raised an important question: has continuing as a junior partner in its alliance with the RJD weakened its independent support base even further?

 After the INDIA alliance’s disappointing performance in the Bihar elections, meetings were held in Delhi between Bihar Congress leaders and Rahul Gandhi. These discussions signalled a possible shift in strategy. Many leaders felt that the party now needs to move away from a politics of dependence and towards a politics of active participation. During these meetings, some leaders openly argued that the Congress should consider contesting elections on its own in Bihar. Voices within the party favouring a departure from alliance politics have once again begun to grow stronger.

 As part of its effort to rebuild from the grassroots, the Congress has started campaigns such as ‘Gandhi Giri’ and ‘Sangathan Srijan’.

 Through these initiatives, the party is trying to reconnect directly with people and strengthen its organisational structure at the ground level. Under this drive, the number of district presidents in Bihar has been increased from 40 to 53, with larger districts now having two presidents each. The aim is to take Gandhi’s ideas to every part of the state. Under the Sangathan Srijan Jan Sampark Abhiyan, the party plans to appoint around 200 grassroots organisers in each block and nearly 1,000 in every district. This organisational campaign is expected to continue until June.

After this phase, both the Pradesh Congress Committee and the District Congress Committees will be reorganised on the basis of performance. Leaders who show active involvement, especially in membership drives, are likely to be given greater responsibilities within the party structure.

 The demand to strengthen the organisation is not new. It has been raised repeatedly in the past as well, including during earlier Assembly elections, when several leaders argued that without a strong grassroots base, the Congress cannot realistically contest elections independently in Bihar.

 In conversations with Outlook India, many Congress leaders reiterated this view. Former MLA Shakil Ahmad Khan says, “Some mistakes were ours, but more were made by our allies. Rahul Gandhi tried hard to energise the cadre, but the organisational structure of Congress hasn’t been strengthened for over two decades. Without that, roadshows may gather crowds, but they cannot bring voters to the booth. To ensure that, consistent grassroots engagement is important.” 

On the question of alliances, Khan believes that contesting elections independently in Bihar would benefit the party significantly. In his view, the moment Congress announces such a decision, its political standing will begin to improve.

He also argues that a section of voters who currently keep their distance from Congress because of its alliances may return if the party chooses to go solo. At the same time, recent political developments within JD(U) could also work in Congress’s favour.

 Soon after the election results, an important meeting was held in Delhi with Rahul Gandhi, in which Purnia MP Pappu Yadav was also present for the first time. Recalling that meeting, he says, “I had said then, and I still maintain, that Congress should contest alone. People want to connect with Congress because it does not engage in politics of hatred or caste.”

Many Congress leaders in Bihar appear to share this sentiment and believe the party should move more decisively towards an independent political path. Interestingly, although Congress is the largest party within the INDIA alliance, its alliance strategy varies widely from state to state. It fights against the Left in Kerala, contests elections alongside the DMK and Left in Tamil Nadu, goes alone in West Bengal, and partners with the Left in Assam. 

 The party explains this flexibility as a response to different regional political realities rather than inconsistency.

 Historically, Congress dominated Bihar politics for nearly four decades between 1947 and 1990, with only brief interruptions. However, after 1990, the party gradually lost its central position and was pushed to the margins. Today, a return to power appears more like a long-term aspiration than an immediate possibility. Its vote share, once close to 30 per cent, has declined so sharply that even reaching double digits has become difficult.

 The rise of Mandal and Kamandal politics in the 1990s also weakened Congress’s traditional upper caste–Dalit–Muslim support base. Since then, the party has largely functioned in the shadow of regional players such as the RJD and JD(U).

Before the Bihar Assembly elections, the INDIA alliance had begun its campaign with considerable energy. Rahul Gandhi’s 17-day Voter Adhikar Yatra instilled enthusiasm among party workers, particularly in Seemanchal and surrounding regions. At that stage, it appeared that the opposition was united and prepared to challenge the NDA effectively.

However, once the elections were officially announced, tensions over seat sharing began to surface. These disagreements weakened the alliance’s cohesion. What was initially presented as a strong coalition gradually showed signs of strain. The situation became evident when the RJD and Congress ended up in “friendly contests” on nearly a dozen seats, revealing deeper disagreements within the alliance.

 The recent campaigns, such as ‘Gandhi Giri’ and ‘Sangathan Srijan’, reflect a broader attempt by the party to recalibrate its strategy. On one side, the Congress is trying to rebuild its organisational base and create new social equations, while on the other, it is working to restore direct communication with voters.

 In the Bihar Assembly elections, the Mahagathbandhan, which included the Rashtriya Janata Dal, the Indian National Congress and other allies, suffered a significant and unexpected defeat. Congress’s performance was particularly disappointing. Out of the 61 seats it contested, the party managed to win only six. Its vote share fell to 8.71 per cent, down from 9.6 per cent in 2020, when it had contested 70 seats and won 19.

 Taken together, Congress in Bihar is not only facing electoral setbacks. It is facing a deeper organisational and political question: whether it can rebuild itself as an independent force in the state, or continue to remain limited by alliances that may restrict its long-term growth.