The government by the virtue of series of successful tactical operations in Bastar, Chhattisgarh over last couple of years has declared that Maoism from the country shall be wiped out by March 31, 2026. The indices related to Maoism have drastically improved, as is clear from the following data. Incidents of violence during the decade 2004-14 were 16,135 whereas from 2014-February 2025 the figures are 7,980; the number of security force personnel killed in the decade from 2004 -14 has reduced by whopping 71 percent in the succeeding decade; districts most affected by Maoism in the year 2014 were 126 whereas at present the figures are 12. As per South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), in the year 2024, the number of insurgents killed were 296, which is the highest toll since 2009 with kill ratio in favour of the security forces.
Resolving The Plight Of Internally Displaced Tribals Of Bastar: A Long-Overdue Imperative
Govt aims to eradicate Maoism by March 31, 2026 after tactical wins in Bastar but who will pay the price ?
The Government’s approach, as spelt out on the website of Ministry of Home Affairs, is to deal with Maoism in a holistic manner, in the areas of security, development, ensuring rights and entitlements of local communities, improvement in governance and public perception management. The first two prongs are definitely yielding positive outcomes and the dispensation needs to be more emphatic on last two prongs.
It is felt that the tactical successes and ushering in development need to be consolidated by giving due attention to structural issues concerning the tribal welfare and their constitutional rights. One of the factors in the given context is the long-festering issue of internally displaced tribals from Bastar, who were forced to flee their homes due to the Salwa Judum violence from 2004 to 2010.
Salwa Judum Violence and its Aftermath
The ghost of Salwa Judum, which began in 2005, continues to haunt the Adivasis of Chhattisgarh. The Salwa Judum cadres, often backed by security forces, unleashed a reign of terror on tribal villages suspected of harbouring Maoist support. The tribals were trapped between a rock and a hard place with no middle ground as both the Maoists and the State targeted them in their own respective ways.
The resulting violence led to the displacement of thousands of tribals, who were forced to flee their homes and seek refuge in neighbouring states on the periphery i.e. Telangana, Andhra Padesh, Odisha and Maharashtra. These internally displaced people (IDPs) have been living away from their native lands for over 20 years due to ongoing Maoist violence in their homeland in Chhattisgarh.
The Plight of Displaced Tribals
Over time, the displaced communities have integrated into local economies, but they continue to face an uncertain future as they are not officially recognised as permanent residents of these states. The unofficial figure of these IDPs is around 50,000 in four states.
As per Shubhranshu Choudhary who runs a civil society movement, the New Peace Process, “the tribal people in these regions are facing severe challenges in terms of land rights, education, healthcare, and access to socio-economic opportunities. Despite their long-term residence and active participation in local economies, they continue to lack formal recognition as Scheduled Tribes (STs) in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh states where they reside, which hampers their ability to access vital government benefits and opportunities for advancement”. Many have struggled to rebuild their lives in unfamiliar surroundings, with limited access to basic amenities like food, shelter, and healthcare. The psychological scars of the violence they endured continue to haunt them, with many suffering from anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
Warranted Response
The government's response to the plight of displaced tribals has been inadequate and inconsistent. While the states of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh have provided some contingency support, there is a critical need for a more comprehensive and permanent solution to address the socio-economic challenges they face.
One of the key demands as put forth by the New Peace Process is immediate rehabilitation plan for displaced tribals similar to Bru rehabilitation plan for Bru tribal people of Mizoram who fled ethnic violence in 1995. From 2010, the government made several attempts to resettle the Brus in Mizoram and in 2020 an agreement of Bru settlement in Tripura was signed by Tripura, Mizoram, the Central government and the Bru organisations.
Secondly, the government needs to take recourse to existing laws to address the problem of the displaced Adivasis. Clause 3(1)(m) of the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006, confers the right to in-situ rehabilitation including alternative land in cases where the Scheduled Tribes and other traditional forest dwellers have been illegally evicted or displaced from forest land of any description without being given legal entitlement to rehabilitation prior to December 13, 2005. There is a need on part of the central government to facilitate extension of the cut-off date beyond December 2005, recognising displacement of these tribal communities and their need for land rights in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. These tribes have been cultivating forest land in these states for over 15 years, and their status should be regularised under this provision.
The tribals who fled Bastar under perilous circumstances, belong to the Gotta Koya tribe with shared cultural traits with the Gutti Koya tribe of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. Yet they are being refused the Scheduled Tribe status because of a difference in the name. This surely, could be rectified with centre’s intervention to empower the community. In addition there are several issues that may commence from detailed survey of the affected population to make the government guarantees more effective.
In addition, there have been instances in the past like in Telangana wherein the tribals that moved in from Bastar were displaced to make way for the state government’s plantation drive, in contravention to the High Court orders that said that the Adivasis should be protected until a long-term solution was found for them.
As a long term measure, as projected by social activists, there is a need for the formulation of a national policy for IDPs. For all the injustices that took place on Adivasis in Bastar since 2004, piecemeal settlements would not do but a comprehensive peace settlement is required, which in true sense shall bolster the government efforts to wipe out Maoism, may be beyond the identified dateline of March 31, 2026.
A Unique Opportunity
It is argued that with the continuously receding footprints of Maoist insurgency, the current time presents a unique opportunity for the government to resolve the issues of these displaced tribals and provide them with the justice and rehabilitation they deserve. With government support and encouragement, in view of weakened insurgency, the tribals who feared Maoist wrath and decided against returning, could be re-settled. From time to time, the issue has been brought out by the media and few civil society organisations, but sadly under the overarching canvas of direct violence and security concerns, this particular issue often runs out of steam. The government ‘will’ shall make all the difference and add meaning to its efforts of wiping out Maoism.
Author is an Indian Army veteran with substantial experience of serving in counter insurgency. He is presently pursuing doctorate at Manipal Academy of Higher Education (MAHE) and teaches in OP Jindal Global University, Sonepat, Haryana
The Plight of Displaced Tribals
Over time, the displaced communities have integrated into local economies, but they continue to face an uncertain future as they are not officially recognised as permanent residents of these states. The unofficial figure of these IDPs is around 50,000 in four states.
As per Shubhranshu Choudhary who runs a civil society movement, the New Peace Process, “the tribal people in these regions are facing severe challenges in terms of land rights, education, healthcare, and access to socio-economic opportunities. Despite their long-term residence and active participation in local economies, they continue to lack formal recognition as Scheduled Tribes (STs) in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh states where they reside, which hampers their ability to access vital government benefits and opportunities for advancement”. Many have struggled to rebuild their lives in unfamiliar surroundings, with limited access to basic amenities like food, shelter, and healthcare. The psychological scars of the violence they endured continue to haunt them, with many suffering from anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
Warranted Response
The government's response to the plight of displaced tribals has been inadequate and inconsistent. While the states of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh have provided some contingency support, there is a critical need for a more comprehensive and permanent solution to address the socio-economic challenges they face.
One of the key demands as put forth by the New Peace Process is immediate rehabilitation plan for displaced tribals similar to Bru rehabilitation plan for Bru tribal people of Mizoram who fled ethnic violence in 1995. From 2010, the government made several attempts to resettle the Brus in Mizoram and in 2020 an agreement of Bru settlement in Tripura was signed by Tripura, Mizoram, the Central government and the Bru organisations.
Secondly, the government needs to take recourse to existing laws to address the problem of the displaced Adivasis. Clause 3(1)(m) of the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006, confers the right to in-situ rehabilitation including alternative land in cases where the Scheduled Tribes and other traditional forest dwellers have been illegally evicted or displaced from forest land of any description without being given legal entitlement to rehabilitation prior to December 13, 2005. There is a need on part of the central government to facilitate extension of the cut-off date beyond December 2005, recognising displacement of these tribal communities and their need for land rights in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. These tribes have been cultivating forest land in these states for over 15 years, and their status should be regularised under this provision.
The tribals who fled Bastar under perilous circumstances, belong to the Gotta Koya tribe with shared cultural traits with the Gutti Koya tribe of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. Yet they are being refused the Scheduled Tribe status because of a difference in the name. This surely, could be rectified with centre’s intervention to empower the community. In addition there are several issues that may commence from detailed survey of the affected population to make the government guarantees more effective.
In addition, there have been instances in the past like in Telangana wherein the tribals that moved in from Bastar were displaced to make way for the state government’s plantation drive, in contravention to the High Court orders that said that the Adivasis should be protected until a long-term solution was found for them.
As a long term measure, as projected by social activists, there is a need for the formulation of a national policy for IDPs. For all the injustices that took place on Adivasis in Bastar since 2004, piecemeal settlements would not do but a comprehensive peace settlement is required, which in true sense shall bolster the government efforts to wipe out Maoism, may be beyond the identified dateline of March 31, 2026.
A Unique Opportunity
It is argued that with the continuously receding footprints of Maoist insurgency, the current time presents a unique opportunity for the government to resolve the issues of these displaced
tribals and provide them with the justice and rehabilitation they deserve. With government support and encouragement, in view of weakened insurgency, the tribals who feared Maoist wrath and decided against returning, could be re-settled. From time to time, the issue has been brought out by the media and few civil society organisations, but sadly under the overarching canvas of direct violence and security concerns, this particular issue often runs out of steam. The government ‘will’ shall make all the difference and add meaning to its efforts of wiping out Maoism.
Author is an Indian Army veteran with substantial experience of serving in counter insurgency. He is presently pursuing doctorate at Manipal Academy of Higher Education (MAHE) and teaches in OP Jindal Global University, Sonepat, Haryana
Tags