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Eviction Notice to Rabri Devi Raises Tensions Between RJD and BJP In Bihar

The order to vacate Rabri Devi’s long-held government residence has ignited a fierce political battle in Bihar. While the ruling coalition terms it a routine administrative step, the RJD calls it targeted humiliation. The controversy highlights shifting power dynamics in the state, with the BJP increasingly seen as directing key decisions.

Rabri Devi speaking with media persons at her residence on September 16, 2023 in Patna, India. IMAGO / Hindustan Times
Summary
  • RJD calls the move vindictive; BJP cites legal compliance and a 2017 Supreme Court ruling.

  • Analysts say BJP — not Nitish Kumar — now drives major decisions in the government.

  • Eviction politics mirrors earlier high-profile cases involving Rahul Gandhi, Ram Vilas Paswan, and Sudesh Mahto.

The order directing Rabri Devi — former Chief Minister of Bihar and Leader of the Opposition in the Bihar Legislative Council — to vacate her government residence has heightened political tensions in the state.

The ruling coalition describes the move as a routine administrative step, while the opposition claims it is driven by malice.

Rabri Devi has lived in the government bungalow at 10 Circular Road, Patna, since 2005. The property has long served as the Rashtriya Janata Dal’s (RJD) political hub. Although she has been allotted a new residence at 39 Harding Road, Patna, RJD leaders refuse to vacate the current bungalow.

RJD state president Mangani Lal Mandal told a press conference: “Rabri Devi will not vacate this house under any circumstances. This is a conspiracy to humiliate the Lalu family. Nitish Kumar has been Chief Minister for 20 years — why did he not take such a decision earlier?”

The development has also brought the previously divided Lalu family together, with Rohini Acharya and Tej Pratap both targeting Nitish Kumar over the issue.

Tej Pratap Yadav wrote on social media, “The younger brother (Tejashwi) took oath as Chief Minister, and the elder brother’s bungalow was ordered to be vacated. Lalu ji and his family will no longer live in the 10 Circular Road residence. The emotionally charged connection that millions of Bihar residents and RJD workers had with this house for the last 28 years has ended with a government notice. With this house gone, the moral brotherly bond between Nitish ji and Lalu ji has also ended.”

Mocking Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, Tej Pratap further said, “You may have fallen, but you did not have to fall this low. History awaits Nitish Kumar with black paint in both hands.”

Just 12 days earlier, on November 15, Lalu’s daughter Rohini Acharya was seen leaving this very house in tears. She had announced her decision to leave both home and party. But now she says, “The development model of ‘Sushasan Babu’ starts with insulting Lalu Prasad Yadav, the messiah of crores of people. Throw us out of the house if you want, but how will you remove him from the hearts of Bihar’s people? If not his health, at least respect Lalu ji’s political stature.”

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Though the family remains sharply critical of Nitish Kumar, analysts believe the decision is actually driven by the BJP. Journalist and biographer of Lalu Prasad Yadav, Nalin Verma, asserts that the eviction order is not Nitish Kumar’s decision, but a result of the BJP’s rising influence.

Nalin Verma says, “This order clearly shows that Nitish Kumar is not running the government in Bihar; it is the BJP’s government. Earlier, Nitish had to give up the Home Ministry. You will soon see him giving up the Speaker’s post, too. Even though his party increased from 43 to 85 seats in the recent elections, it means nothing. Nitish Kumar is now a symbolic Chief Minister whose will won’t prevail in this government.”

According to Nalin Verma, the eviction order is a highly calculated move by the BJP, and more actions against the RJD are expected.

BJP is often accused of marginalising the opposition in states where it holds power, especially in the Modi era. The opposition frequently alleges that the BJP engages in vindictive politics.

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But the key question is: If this is true, why did the BJP, which has been a major coalition partner of Nitish Kumar for nearly 20 years, never attempt such a move earlier in Bihar?

Senior journalist Vikas Kumar explains, “One common question is: why wasn’t Rabri Devi asked to vacate the house for 20 years? The answer is that RJD was never this weak earlier. In the 2020 Assembly elections, RJD was the single largest party. Also, Nitish Kumar is no longer as strong a CM as he once was. If such an order had been issued before the elections, it would have politically harmed both the BJP and JD(U).”

He adds another dimension, “Politics has changed completely. The era of Lalu and Atal was different — political decency still existed. For example, when Lalu Prasad arrested Advani in Bihar, he placed him in a guest house. Such norms are rare now. Today, politics is increasingly driven by a spirit of retaliation.”

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Nitish Kumar is known for not allowing the BJP’s core political approach to dominate Bihar, unlike other states where BJP governs directly. Even in 2020, when JD(U) won only 43 seats and BJP emerged as the largest party with 74 seats, Nitish remained Chief Minister on his own terms.

One of his biggest terms was retaining the Home Ministry. For nearly 20 years as CM, Nitish always kept Home under his control. But his recent health decline and the transfer of the Home Ministry have been seen as the biggest political shift — interpreted as Nitish’s weakening and the BJP’s strengthening.

Currently, 10 Circular Road is home to Lalu Yadav, Rabri Devi, Tejashwi Yadav and his family.

Rabri Devi was allotted the residence in 2005 after Nitish Kumar became CM on 24 November 2005. She had to vacate 1 Aney Marg, the Chief Minister’s residence, and shift to 10 Circular Road. She has lived there ever since.

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1 Aney Marg is considered the epicentre of Bihar’s politics for 35 years — first under Lalu for 15 years, and then under Nitish for 20 years.

But now RJD leader Mrityunjay Tiwari claims that BJP’s influence at 1 Aney Marg has grown.

“This is petty politics,” Tiwari says. “Rabri Devi has served as Chief Minister of both undivided and present-day Bihar. She was allotted the house due to her stature, and she is currently Leader of Opposition. Why not consider that? Why wasn’t the house vacated in the last 20 years? Why not before the elections? What suddenly changed now? This clearly indicates that the BJP is tightening its control over 1 Aney Marg. It means the BJP will run the government for the next five years, while Nitish will only wear the crown. But this is Bihar — the BJP cannot run the state like it runs others. Nothing will work here as per their plan.”

Meanwhile, Bihar BJP spokesperson Neeraj Kumar states that the eviction follows a 2017 Supreme Court verdict that categorised former CMs as “common citizens.”

Why was it not enforced earlier? He says, “We started this process in 2020. But twice during that period, Tejashwi Yadav served as Deputy CM under Nitish Kumar. For the past two years, we have repeatedly asked them to vacate the house so that their integrity remains intact and such a situation does not arise. Now that we are in power, we are implementing it. And since they didn’t comply, the order had to be issued. Secondly, the property is meant for former CMs. Rabri Devi is not an ex-CM — she is the Leader of Opposition.”

Government house evictions in India are no longer mere administrative acts, they are now clear political signals. The order against Rabri Devi fits into a broader trend: with a change in power, reclaiming official residences has become a strategic move.

A high-profile example is Congress leader and Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi. In 2023, after his conviction in a defamation case, his Lok Sabha membership was cancelled within 24 hours, and his government house was swiftly taken back — a move the opposition labelled “political revenge.”

Another example is the eviction of the late Ram Vilas Paswan’s iconic 12, Janpath residence in Delhi in 2022. Despite legal attempts by his son Chirag Paswan, the government did not relent. It was read as the Centre’s attempt to dismantle the idea of “lifelong political privileges,” even for major figures. This came at a time when Chirag was isolated within his own party, and his uncle Pasupati Paras, then a Union Minister, controlled the party. The opposition saw this as an action targeted against Chirag.

This trend isn’t limited to BJP-ruled governments. Earlier this year, under the Jharkhand Mahagathbandhan government, Chief Minister Hemant Soren ordered former Deputy CM and NDA ally Sudesh Mahto to vacate his government residence. Though termed “office relocation,” the political message was unmistakable,  the ruling coalition wanted to dismantle the permanent privileges of its rivals.

Many political observers argue that this decision was taken without Nitish Kumar’s active consent. But journalist Vikas Kumar asks a critical question, “Even if the proposal to evict Rabri Devi was brought by the BJP in a cabinet meeting, would Nitish Kumar have objected? And even if he wanted to — could he?”

It is noteworthy that BJP leader Samrat Choudhary, who is also Deputy CM, now handles the Home Ministry. Since taking the oath, he has been highly assertive, often in the news for strong statements.

Immediately after swearing in, he declared, “If required, bulldozers will be used,” signalling a Uttar Pradesh–style governance model aimed at tough action against illegal encroachment and crime.

These developments have led many observers to conclude that this time, Bihar’s government is essentially a BJP-led government, not the older version of the NDA where Nitish Kumar firmly controlled the reins.

Bihar’s eviction drama marks a deeper shift: symbolic authority rests with Nitish, but real political command now visibly rests with the BJP.

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