The high court’s stay has allowed Joshi the fig-leaf needed to stick on in the cabinet; from Advani’s point of view, a far safer bet than having the hrd minister on the outside, reinventing himself as an icon of the Ayodhya movement with the aid of his buddies in the VHP and meddling in party affairs. In the event of a similar stay on the framing of charges being granted to the other accused, notably Uma Bharati, the campaign for the assembly elections too can continue undisturbed.
In asking the high court to review the cbi special judge’s order discharging Advani and implicating all the other accused, Joshi’s lawyers invoke the possibility—and the risk for Advani—of the entire ruling being overturned. For the moment, however, says Congress MP and advocate R.K. Anand, it’s back to the legal treadmill for an indefinite period. On November 4, the high court will commence hearings on the review petition. As for vacating the stay, Anand feels that’s unlikely in the present scenario.
For Prime Minister A.B. Vajpayee too, it was a relief not to have to play referee or seem to take sides in the highly-publicised battle of attrition between his perceived No. 2 and No. 3. If he was upset with Joshi for having taken his quarrel with Advani into the public domain by quitting, he did not show it beyond putting up a studied reticence on his resignation till the stay came along. In fact, he has used Joshi as a channel to the RSS and a counter to Advani. On the other hand, he is as responsible as Advani for Joshi’s marginalisation, whether it’s in keeping him out of party decision-making or crucial cabinet committees. So, while both Joshi and Advani bruised their images, having employed media snipers against each other, Vajpayee came across as impartial and somehow aloof from it all. He gave Joshi a patient hearing; he also made it a point to consult with Advani on the phone.
The happy turn of events also lifted the tension in Keshav Kunj, where RSS sarsanghchalak K.S. Sudarshan was suffering from a bout of high fever even as he drafted his annual Vijayadashami address. His health had taken a turn for the worse (say his acolytes) after being dragged into the wrangling between two of the top BJP leaders, suffering sleepless nights. Despite split loyalties within the Sangh itself, Sudarshan has always had a soft spot for Joshi, who is noted for his absolute loyalty to the RSS. No amount of outrage on the part of the intelligentsia has deterred Joshi from furthering what he sees as the RSS agenda. That he often plays host to senior RSS leaders too is well known.
However, the sarsanghchalak was upset with media reports alleging that despite a neutral public posture, he had batted for Joshi, even ticking off BJP chief Venkaiah Naidu. When Sudarshan’s plans to have dinner at Joshi’s were leaked to the press, he not only cancelled his visit but also conveyed his deep unhappiness. He took the unprecedented step of issuing a statement last week in which he reiterated the Sangh’s stance that neither he nor RSS cadres "supported Joshi’s resignation".
The annoyance is likely to last only as long as it takes for Joshi to make conciliatory gestures. Nor is an endorsement of Advani implicit in this—though he too commands a loyal constituency in the RSS. How all this strain on loyalties will be alleviated depends on how Joshi now conducts himself. "He must acknowledge the resignation drama was a miscalculation and move on," says an RSS leader. That Joshi is virtually friendless in the BJP is evident in that no figure of significance bothered to visit him after the stay order. But that does not in any way diminish his relevance—or potential for damage.
The more hardline among Joshi’s advisors see his quiet return to the cabinet and "humble" acceptance of the PM’s fiat as an opportunity lost. They would have liked to see him become the vocal fulcrum for those sections in the Sangh parivar at odds with the BJP. Take a checklist: the RSS, which has been ruthlessly snubbed by the BJP over Ayodhya. The VHP, which constantly battles attempts by the pmo to reduce it to irrelevance. The Swadeshi Jagaran Manch, whose moribund movement was fanned to life by Cancun. The Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, which remains voiceless despite being the country’s number one trade union and the brainchild of that redoubtable BJP-basher, Dattopant Thengadi. And the Bharatiya Kisan Morcha, fated to be ignored.
Moderate voices within Joshi’s circle (there is no such thing as a Joshi "camp" in the BJP) feel he will be better able to consolidate his position as the voice of these voiceless factions while he is in the cabinet. How well Joshi can jockey his strengths into a position of influence will depend on his political skills.
