For Congress president Sonia Gandhi, the campaign led by Y.S. Jaganmohan Reddy and his supporters has placed her in an unprecedented situation. “This is the first time,” a national party functionary says, “that the family of a regional chieftain is challenging the authority of Sonia Gandhi.”
Indeed, Sonia has indicated to senior party leaders that she cannot be seen to be succumbing to political blackmail. She has told them that she feels “betrayed”—she had, after all, given YSR a carte blanche to choose his candidates and ministers. But sources also add that she is acutely aware of the ground realities—that 71 of the party’s 154 MLAs are first-termers who owe their seats and victories to YSR, and that the many businessmen whose futures are entwined with that of the YSR family are backing the campaign. Adding to the atmosphere of rebellion have been fan suicides and college students hitting the streets. “It’s a lethal mix,” a Congress leader says, “of corporate interests and mass sympathy.”
Meanwhile, part of the action has moved to Delhi’s Andhra Bhavan, with K.V.P. Ramachandra Rao—described as YSR’s Chanakya—being asked by Delhi to “make himself available” in the capital. Sources close to Rao were at pains to point out that there was no question of a “revolt or split” as Jagan and his followers were loyal Congressmen. But the fact was, these sources said, the party’s options in AP were seriously limited. One high-profile MP put it this way: “Perhaps we can engineer killings, how can we engineer suicides and heart attacks...417 deaths in all”. He then produced a neatly tabulated list of those who had died, along with dates, cause, names and identities. He also pointed triumphantly to Rahul Gandhi’s recent statement in Chennai: “He (Jaganmohan) is not only the son of a politician but he also has significant achievements of his own.”
Currently in damage control mode, an MP from the Jagan camp also attacked the media for “planting” stories—such as the one on ministers not attending office. “There is no question,” said the MP, “of ministers not cooperating with Rosaiah...he was made CM after Rao was consulted. On September 9, these ministers were in their districts for mourning ceremonies organised there, they weren’t boycotting work.”
Clearly, there is an attempt to soften Delhi’s anger. After all, the initial plan was to make Rosaiah CM, wait till after the impending assembly polls in three states before reassessing the situation and giving Andhra a new CM. The frontrunner was Jagan, as it was felt he would provide continuity to his father’s “policies”—as much the many successful welfare schemes he had launched as his great capacity to raise funds. But Jagan and his followers felt that too much was at stake to just sit it out.
At the time of writing, consultations continued among top Congress leaders even as Union urban development minister S. Jaipal Reddy—whose name had also been in circulation for the CM’s job—reportedly told Sonia that he did not wish to be considered. The party high command would like to postpone the resolution of the crisis till the situation calms down; Jagan’s followers fear the longer it takes, the initiative might slip out of their hands.
