Rejects accusations that his party splits the anti-BJP vote.
In talks with Asaduddin Owaisi’s party to strengthen Muslim voter support.
Listed as Assam’s second richest candidate with declared assets of over ₹226 crore.
Rejects accusations that his party splits the anti-BJP vote.
In talks with Asaduddin Owaisi’s party to strengthen Muslim voter support.
Listed as Assam’s second richest candidate with declared assets of over ₹226 crore.
In a state where identity, land, language, and citizenship collide with unusual intensity, Badruddin Ajmal has remained a constant presence in the political landscape for nearly two decades.
A perfume baron turned politician, he built the All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) into a significant voice of the state’s Muslim minority, particularly across Lower Assam and other minority-dominated pockets.
At 76, Ajmal is contesting his first Assam state assembly election, from Binnakandi in Hojai district, a constituency he considers home. After years in Parliament representing Dhubri, the 2024 general elections marked a setback. He lost the seat to the Congress by a record margin, and the AIUDF failed to secure a single Lok Sabha seat. The shift from national to state politics comes at a moment when his relevance is being openly tested.
While journey combines business, politics, and philanthropy, he presents the upcoming contest less as a comeback and more as a recalibration.
His father, Haji Ajmal Ali, left Assam for Mumbai and built a perfume business that would eventually expand into Gulf markets. What began in modest conditions grew into Ajmal Perfumes, now a global brand. Ajmal inherited both enterprise and a religious grounding, shaped at Darul Uloom Deoband. He went on to serve as the state president of Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind in Assam, positioning himself at the intersection of religious authority and public life.
Through the Ajmal Foundation, he has also built a network of schools, colleges, and hospitals, including a large facility in Hojai, an infrastructure that has helped extend his influence beyond electoral politics into everyday social presence.
The AIUDF itself emerged from a specific political moment. The scrapping of the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunal) Act in 2005 triggered anxiety among Bengali-speaking Muslim communities, many of whom feared exposure to future citizenship scrutiny. Ajmal entered politics at that point, positioning himself as a representative voice. The party’s early growth was rapid, ten seats in 2006, eighteen by 2011, establishing it as a strong opposition force.
Speaking to Outlook, he discusses Muslim vote fragmentation, National Register of Citizens (NRC) anxieties, and rejects the “vote-splitter” tag often attached to his party.
One of the sharpest accusations against the AIUDF, particularly from the Congress, is that it functions as a “vote-splitter”. And that by mobilising a separate Muslim political base, it fragments the anti-BJP vote and indirectly strengthens the ruling party.
Ajmal dismisses the charge, arguing that the criticism says more about his opponents than it does about his party. “This is a narrative created to hide the failures of others. The real question is: why are people not voting for them? Instead of blaming AIUDF, parties should introspect.”
His political rivalry with Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has become more pronounced on the campaign trail. In Binnakandi, Ajmal recently hit back at Sarma, using the phrase “miya dadagiri” in response to attacks aimed at him and his support base, signalling a sharper, more direct confrontation than in previous elections.
“My vision is for an Assam where every citizen regardless of religion, language, or background feels secure, respected, and empowered. We want an Assam that leads in education, economic growth, and social harmony. AIUDF is not just about one community. It is about inclusive progress and justice for all,” he says.
Asked to assess his party’s position after the 2024 defeat, Ajmal pushes back against the idea of decline and calls it the moment as one of clarity. “Our position is stronger today because people have seen the reality of governance. In the last election, there was confusion among voters due to alliances and narratives. Today, the ground reality is clearer. People are looking for a consistent voice that speaks for their rights, dignity, and development. AIUDF has emerged as that voice.”
The argument rests on the belief that voters who drifted away did so because of uncertainty rather than rejection. Insisting on a durable base, he says that the relationship with his core constituency goes beyond electoral calculation. “Our connection is not political alone. It is social and emotional. That trust remains intact.”
The scale of the loss in Dhubri complicates that claim. Congress’s Rakibul Hussain defeated him by over 10 lakh votes. Ajmal’s reading of the result emphasises shifting alliances and narrative battles rather than erosion of support.
The consolidation of Muslim votes that once worked in the AIUDF’s favour has weakened, with Congress, independents, and smaller formations drawing support. “Democracy is about choice. Division happens when people feel unheard. If we remain sincere and focused, people will naturally consolidate behind a credible leadership. So I see it as a challenge, but also an opportunity,” he says, emphasising “less on arithmetic and more on credibility.”
“Security and dignity, especially around citizenship anxieties; education and employment for youth; and basic infrastructure like roads, healthcare, connectivity. These are not just Muslim issues. They are people’s issues.”
In constituencies like Hojai and Dhubri, these concerns are not easily separable. The aftereffects of the NRC continue to shape both political behaviour and everyday decisions, according to analysts. Documentation, access to services, and economic opportunity intersect in ways that make governance inseparable from identity.
About the criticism that the AIUDF privileges identity over development, Ajmal says: “This is a misconception spread by opponents. Speaking for the rights of a community does not mean ignoring development. Development without justice is incomplete, and justice without development is meaningless. We believe in both.” He points to the party’s legislative record and its focus on education and healthcare, even as critics argue that its electoral messaging often centres more sharply on community concerns. The tension is acknowledged, if not fully resolved.
Questions around alliances remain central to the electoral calculus since the AIUDF’s relationship with the Congress has shifted repeatedly, from cooperation to competition. “Politics is dynamic. Our priority has always been to defeat divisive forces and protect the Constitution. If any party, including the Congress, is serious about that, then discussions can always happen. But it must be based on mutual respect and clarity.”
What emerges instead is a strategy of flexibility, ruling out pre-poll alliances while keeping space open for post-election negotiations, preserving leverage in a potentially fragmented assembly. At the same time, efforts to expand support beyond the party’s traditional base are visible, with Asaduddin Owaisi expected to campaign for the AIUDF.
The citizenship question continues to sit at the centre of Assam’s political landscape. The NRC process, completed in 2019, left nearly 1.9 million people excluded from the final list, creating long-term uncertainty for communities that have lived in the state for generations.
“Genuine Indian citizens are living in fear due to documentation issues. No citizen should suffer because of bureaucratic complexities. We will continue to fight both legally and politically to ensure justice and dignity,” he says.
For Ajmal, the 2026 election is a contest over minority rights and political dignity, the one that he argues, should move Assam’s politics beyond fear-based mobilisation. A younger electorate, less tied to traditional political loyalties, is reshaping the terrain. Analysts note that, like many regional parties, the AIUDF remains leadership-driven, and adapting to generational expectations may require structural change.
Ajmal agrees: “Youth today want opportunity, transparency, and participation. We are using digital platforms, direct engagement, and education initiatives to connect with younger voters. We are also encouraging young leadership within the party.”