Owaisi’s Aggressive Pitch In Seemanchal: Between Identity Politics And Political Expansion

Amour constituency in Purnia is one of the 24 assembly seats in Bihar’s Seemanchal region, where AIMIM’s most prominent state face, Akhtarul Iman, is contesting. On the final day of the second phase of campaigning, AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi arrived in Amour to deliver his trademark fiery speech. He concluded his address by leading the crowd in chants of “Takbeer”, which is a show of religious assertion and emotional unity, setting the tone for the region’s charged political atmosphere.
Owaisi urged his supporters not to respond to hostility with violence, “not bricks for bricks,” he said, “but with the kite symbol.” He repeated this refrain, “The answer to broken hearts will be the kite symbol. The answer to those who called us infiltrators will be the kite symbol. The answer to NRC and the black Waqf law will be the kite symbol.”

A Tale of Two Rallies

Barely five kilometres away, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi was addressing a rally for Mahagathbandhan candidate Abdul Jalil Mastan. Yet, locals claimed that the larger crowd had gathered for Owaisi, drawn by his energy and oratory. The question being whispered across Seemanchal’s political circles, however, is — what exactly is Owaisi trying to achieve with such aggressive rhetoric?

Owaisi’s speech at the rally not only reflected the pain of exclusion from the Grand Alliance but also a demand for a Muslim Chief Minister from Seemanchal. Notably, the crowd’s response to his religious slogans resembled the way BJP leaders lead their supporters in chants of “Jai Shri Ram.”

The Ground Pulse
Abdul Samad, a 40-year-old tailor from Meerut who came to Amour to vote, said he saw no problem with Owaisi’s slogans, “This is our religious freedom. I came from Meerut to vote for Owaisi Saab. This time, he will surely win.”

For first-time voter Hafiz Mohammad Faisal, Owaisi represents a unifying force: “Owaisi Saab and Akhtarul Iman have united everyone. There’s no longer a divide between Surjapuri and Kulhaiya Muslims. Those calling him BJP’s ‘B-team’ are themselves BJP’s biggest allies. If anyone made the BJP strong in Bihar, it was Lalu Prasad, who rejected the idea of a Muslim CM in 2005 despite Ram Vilas Paswan’s appeal.”

Faisal adds, “Today, young people like me can speak up because Owaisi Saab gave us that voice."

AIMIM’s Past Performance and Changing Equations

In the 2020 Bihar assembly elections, AIMIM created ripples by winning five seats in Seemanchal under the banner of the Grand Democratic Secular Front (GDSF), an alliance with RLSP, BSP, SJDD, and SBSP. AIMIM fielded 16 candidates from Seemanchal and secured an overall vote share of 1.24 per cent statewide, but 14.28 per cent in the seats it contested.

All five winning seats — Amour, Bahadurganj, Baisi, Jokihat, and Kochadhaman — were in Muslim-majority Seemanchal, where AIMIM’s rise split traditional RJD and Congress vote banks. By 2021, four of the five winning AIMIM MLAs defected to RJD, leaving only Akhtarul Iman in Owaisi’s camp.
This time, Iman is again contesting from Amour, which is now seen as a stronghold for AIMIM, linking past performance to current stakes.

Kishanganj: The Triangular Contest

Kishanganj, where the AIMIM opened its Bihar account in 2019, has become a three-way contest among the BJP, Congress, and AIMIM. BJP’s Sweety Singh, who narrowly lost by 1,381 votes in 2020, is facing Congress’s M. Kamrul Hoda and AIMIM’s Shams Aghaaz.

Local trader Mohammad Ikramul says, “Kishanganj has been a Congress bastion for decades. But this time, Owaisi Saab will draw strong votes. If BJP voters consolidate, Sweety Singh could win, because Owaisi will divide the Congress vote.” Another shopkeeper, Mohammad Raja, brings up the Waqf Act, “People are confused and scared — they think it might take away madrasa and mosque lands.” Inflation and unemployment, he says, weigh heavily on ordinary people than political alliances. “We just want peace and jobs.”

Asked whether Owaisi being an outsider matters, Raja replies, “Why should it? Even Modi Ji comes from Gujarat to campaign here. We’re all part of India.”

Family Feud in Jokihat

Thus, Jokihat (Araria) has emerged as one of the most talked-about and dramatic constituencies in the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections. The reason lies in an intense family feud intertwined with new political equations. The seat once again finds itself at the centre of attention because it carries the legacy of the late MP Taslimuddin. His two sons, the elder, Sarfaraz Alam, and the younger, Shahnawaz Alam, are pitted directly against each other this time.

Shahnawaz Alam, who had won the 2020 election on an AIMIM ticket, later joined the RJD and is now contesting again from the same party. On the other hand, his elder brother Sarfaraz Alam is fighting on behalf of Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj Party, making this a rare sibling rivalry with high political stakes.

Adding further intrigue to the contest, the AIMIM has fielded Mohammad Murshid Alam, while the JD(U) has nominated Manzar Alam. With these multiple layers of family rivalry, shifting loyalties, and competing regional forces, Jokihat has become a microcosm of Seemanchal’s complex and evolving political landscape.

Caste, Communities, and the “Bangladeshi” Narrative

Seemanchal’s Muslim population is socially diverse, comprising Surjapuri, Kulhaiya, and Shershabadi Muslims. Surjapuris are generally landholding and educated, while Kulhaiyas are socially and economically weaker. Shershabadis, located near the Bengal border, have distinct linguistic and cultural traits. Yet, all three groups are often targeted under the “Bangladeshi infiltrator” label, especially during elections. Saif Ali Khan, a Muslim Adivasi from Manihari (Katihar), says, “If someone speaks Bengali, does that make them Bangladeshi? This is BJP’s fear narrative. They raise it only during elections, never in governance.”

Between Polarisation and Political Investment

Supriy Ranjan, Assistant Professor of Political Science at GITAM University and a research associate with People’s Pulse, Hyderabad, views Owaisi’s politics of appeasement in Seemanchal as a long-term investment. He notes that although Owaisi’s enthusiasm and aggression seem somewhat reduced compared to the last election, the crowds at his rallies remain as large and energetic as before.

According to Supriy Ranjan, “Broadly speaking, there are two kinds of Muslims in Seemanchal. The first are those whose roots go back anywhere from two years to a hundred years, and the second are those who migrated after Partition, whose language and culture carry a distinct Bengali touch. The latter are generally poorer, and it is among them that Owaisi’s support base is strongest. However, it’s difficult to predict how many seats he will actually win this time.”

Ranjan further explains, “In my view, Owaisi is laying the groundwork for a long-term political expansion in Seemanchal. He has already changed the region’s political economy — his candidates have begun to intervene even in local elections. Owaisi has also established several educational institutions, including ITIs and new madrasas. I would say that what the RSS does to expand its cadre base, Owaisi is doing something similar in Seemanchal. His aim seems to be to emerge as the region’s most powerful political force in the coming years — a development that, in the long run, could pose a serious challenge to the area’s communal harmony.”

The Bigger Picture

Tanzeel Asif, founder of Main Media and a keen observer of Seemanchal’s politics, also acknowledges that the Owaisi factor remains significant in the region. He notes that AIMIM remains a strong contender in the five seats it won in the previous election. However, he also believes that the Mahagathbandhan (Grand Alliance) could be in a stronger position this time compared to the last election.

Responding to a question about how many seats each party might win, Tanzeel says, “In Seemanchal’s 24 constituencies, some contests are straight fights, while others are triangular — involving AIMIM, the NDA, and the Mahagathbandhan. A few even appear to be four-cornered battles. While it’s hard to predict exact numbers, it’s quite possible that the Mahagathbandhan’s tally will increase beyond the seven seats it won last time.”

In this election, Congress is contesting 12 seats, RJD—nine, VIP—two, and CPI(ML)—one in Seemanchal. AIMIM has fielded 15 candidates in the region (25 across Bihar). The NDA, meanwhile, has BJP on 11, JD(U) on 10, and LJP (Ram Vilas) on three seats.

In 2020, the NDA held 12 of Seemanchal’s 24 seats (eight BJP, four JD(U)), the Mahagathbandhan held seven, and the AIMIM held five.)

Asaduddin Owaisi’s campaign in Seemanchal reflects both assertive identity politics and a strategic long-term investment. His appeal resonates most among economically weaker, culturally distinct Muslims who feel neglected by mainstream parties. While critics accuse him of deepening communal polarisation, Owaisi’s growing grassroots presence, through institutions and political mobilisation, suggests he is steadily expanding AIMIM’s base beyond electoral contests. This time, even if the Grand Alliance regains some ground, Owaisi’s ideological and organisational footprint ensures that Seemanchal will remain a crucial theatre in Bihar’s shifting Muslim politics for years to come