Lalu, Nitish And The Battle For OBC Votes: Why Bihar’s Identity Politics Remains Decisive and Divisive

The Bihar government’s 2023 caste survey revealed that the Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) and Other Backward Classes (OBCs) together comprise more than 63 per cent of the state’s population, significantly influencing Bihar’s politics and voting patterns.

With the state’s population at 13.7 crore, the EBCs form the largest social group, numbering 4,70,80,514 individuals, followed by the OBCs at 3,54,63,936, or 27.12 per cent. Within the OBC category, Yadavs constitute 14.26 per cent, Kushwahas 4.21 per cent, Kurmis 2.8 per cent, and Banias 2.31 per cent.

As the state heads into assembly elections, scheduled in two phases on November 6 and 11, the politics of identity is expected to resurface, driven by demands for reservation and backward caste assertion. These dynamics have historically enabled socialist parties like Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) and Lalu Prasad Yadav’s RJD to strengthen class mobilisation in Bihar.

Nitish, who belongs to the Kurmi community, has cultivated a dependable voter base through welfare schemes, affirmative action, and the decentralisation of power from dominant caste groups like the Yadavs to smaller and economically weaker caste groups.

Breaking Upper-Caste dominance with OBCs reshaping politics 

Caste politics in Bihar gained significant strength in 1978, when then Chief Minister Karpoori Thakur implemented a 26 per cent reservation for the OBCs in government services and decided to hold Panchayat elections, effectively breaking the upper-caste dominance in local governance. The policy included a 10 per cent quota specifically for the EBCs, which sparked protests from the upper castes but simultaneously sowed the seeds of a social revolution.

Thakur partially implemented the recommendations of the Mungeri Lal Commission, which created the EBC category within the larger Other Backward Classes (OBC) group. This marked a significant step towards recognising the unique challenges faced by smaller, marginalised communities such as the Mallahs, Telis, and Nonias, who had long been overshadowed by the more dominant OBC groups like the Yadavs and Kurmis.

Eventually, Prime Minister V.P. Singh implemented the Mandal Commission report in 1990, mandating a 27 per cent reservation in central government jobs and educational institutions for OBCs, including public sector undertakings.

Lalu, Nitish and the OBCs

Lalu Prasad, who served as Bihar’s Chief Minister from 1990 to 1997, rose to power by consolidating the OBC and Muslim vote. He positioned himself as the voice of the lower castes in a state long dominated by the upper castes under the Congress. The Congress, which had ruled Bihar for decades, suffered a massive setback in the 1990 elections, losing 125 seats.

That year, Bihar had 117 MLAs from Backward Castes compared to 105 from upper castes. By 1995, the gap had widened sharply — 161 MLAs from Backward Castes and only 56 from upper castes. Among the ‘forward among backward’ castes, the composition was: 1990 – Yadavs (63), Kurmis (18), Banias (16), and Koeris (12); 1995 – Yadavs (86), Kurmis (27), Banias (18), and Koeris (13).

In the 1991 Lok Sabha elections, 24 MPs belonged to Backward Castes, including Yadavs (13), Kurmis (6), Banias (1), and Koeris (4). These elections collectively marked the end of upper-caste dominance and the rise of the ‘forward among backward’ castes in Bihar politics.

Lalu stepped down in 1997 after corruption charges. The RJD returned to power in 2000, with his wife Rabri Devi continuing as Chief Minister.

By 2005, Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United) came to power, with the BJP making significant gains, winning 55 seats, which was more than the RJD. Kumar was tasked with pulling Bihar out of 15 years of what critics called ‘Jungle Raj’, marked by lack of governance and break of law and order, institutional decay and caste divisions.

Positioning himself against Lalu, Nitish Kumar appealed to non-Yadav OBCs and forward castes, promising better law and order. He sought to shift Bihar’s focus from identity politics to development and governance.

How the Caste Politics continues

Nitish Kumar, who has shifted between the BJP and the Mahagathbandhan several times, has earned a reputation for political flexibility, while the RJD continues to carry the baggage of the so-called ‘Jungle Raj’.

Bihar’s politics, deeply intertwined with caste identities and shifting voter loyalties, remains one of the most complex in India. The upcoming polls serve as a key test of strength for both the national BJP and Congress, and as a decisive contest in the Hindi heartland.

Both the INDIA bloc and the BJP have underlined the importance of Bihar elections. Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched his campaign by paying floral tribute to the late Karpoori Thakur, while Tejashwi Yadav, Lalu Prasad’s son, was announced as the Mahagathbandhan’s chief ministerial face.

Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraj has further intensified the race by fielding 75 EBC candidates pledging to “end exploitation”. Targeting Nitish Kumar’s strongholds across nearly 100 seats, the party aims to capture 5 to 10 per cent of the EBC vote, potentially splitting the bloc.

Meanwhile, voter roll purges that removed 3.5 lakh names have reportedly hit migrant EBCs the hardest, disrupting the rural-urban balance. The entry of new contenders adds yet another layer of unpredictability to an already charged contest.