'I Bow My Head In Shame'

Transcript of the Prime Minister's intervention in the Rajya Sabha debateon the Nanavati Commission report

I must confess to you, at thevery outset, that speaking on this occasion has meant a great emotional strainfor me. We are discussing the issues which have grave implications notonly on the future of a brave community but also on the future of ournation.

Four thousand people werekilled in this great national tragedy that took place in 1984. Thisshould be an occasion for introspection, how working together as a unitednation, we can find new pathways to ensure that such ghastly tragedies neveragain take place in our country. I respectfully submit that this is notachieved by pursuing partisan goals, apportioning blame. And I, as thePrime Minister of this country, have no hesitation in saying that what happened-- the death of a great Prime Minister who had served our country with thegreatest distinction in peace and war, who brought victory to this country inthe eventful days of the Bangladesh War; her death at the hands of her ownbodyguards -- was a great national tragedy. What happened subsequently wasequally shameful.

I know for certain, havingworked with Indiraji, she would have never approved of any harm coming to asingle individual on account of anything that was done to her. We all knowthe events of 1984, the tragic events in the Golden Temple. There wastop-level demands on the Prime Minister to change her Sikh bodyguards and shesaid, "I would not be worthy of being the daughter of Indian revolution ifI were to start suspecting people on the basis of their religion orcommunity."

I have no hesitation in saying,and I said it that what took place after Indiraji's death was a great nationalshame, a great national tragedy. I have seen public statements of the honourableleaders of the opposition saying that I should ask the forgiveness of thecountry. I accompanied the Congress President to Harmandir Sahib some fiveor six years ago, when we together prayed, "God give us the strength,show us the way that such things never again take place in our country."

I have no hesitation inapologising not only to the Sikh community but the whole Indian nation becausewhat took place in 1984 is the negation of the concept of nationhood and whatenshrined in our Constitution. So, I am not standing on any falseprestige. On behalf of our Government, on behalf of the entire people ofthis country, I bow my head in shame that such thing took place. But, there are ebbs, there are tides in the affairs of nations. The past iswith us. We cannot rewrite the past. But as human beings, we havethe willpower and we have the ability to write better future for all of us.

This debate serves to focusattention on the quest for that better future, that all our citizens towhichever community they may belong, that they should feel honourable members ofour nation, that they have every right and ability to lead a life of dignity andself-respect as equal citizens of this ancient land of ours with glorioustraditions of over 5000 years. If the debate had turned on these events itwould have served its purpose. But reading out extracts sometimes out ofcontext, sometimes in context does not lead us to those pathways.

I started by saying that we arediscussing the future, the conduct, the aspirations, emotions, fears of a bravecommunity which has played a glowing role in India's history. Ahluwaliajiquoted Guru Nanak‹ but I also know what significant, social economic andsocietal changes came to this blessed land of Punjab after the advent of ourGurus. No less a person than Dr. Mohammed Iqbal said about Guru Nanak:

phir uRii aakhir subah tauheedkii Punjab se
mard-e-qaamil ne jagaayaa Hind ko phir khwaab se

[once again rises the dawn ofunity from the Punjab/the Saint has woken up Hind again from the dream -- roughtranslation]

That is the role of the Sikhcommunity at a time when religious bigotry seemed to overwhelm our country.Our Gurus gave us a message of an inclusive society, secularism in practice andalso subsequently, the Sikh history saw difficult periods and we saw examples ofgreat valour. Guru Gobind Singh after he lost all his four sons, his mother andhis father did not lose heart and he said and I quote:

in putran ke siis par vaar diyeSikh chaar
chaar mue tou kyaa huaa, jivat kaii hazaar

[On heads of sons, theobeisance of four Sikhs was offered/so what if four have died, many thousandslive -- rough translation]

This is our legacy. Thisis the legacy of this brave community. After a great deal of struggle forthe first time, it came to Maharaja Ranjit Singh to expand our frontiers and toprove to us and to show to us that our frontiers do not lie in traditionalmanners where we define that India's defence lies as far as what happened inAfghanistan. This is the proud history of this community.

During the British times, itwas the brave Sikh community which developed the canal colonies of the erstwhileunited Punjab which made Punjab the granary of India. With Partition theSikhs suffered the grievous loss. Our community was divided into two parts.All of them were forced to migrate to this part of the Punjab; and I knowhundreds of cases where people came to India with their clothes. They hadnothing else to fall back upon. But, they converted that adversity into anopportunity to reconstruct, to rebuilt their lives and rebuilt the life of ournation. And, we all know how a very deficit, poor, East-Punjab State, onceagain emerged on the screen of India as number one State in terms of per-capitaincome, as the State known for the start of the Green Revolution in our country.

I think, attempts have beenmade by the hon. Opposition Members and I don't want to quarrel with any one ofthem on this occasion to separate the Sikh community from the great traditionsof the Congress Party. I respectfully say to our Opposition Members thepost-partitioned Punjab would not have been a prosperous State as it is todaybut for the visionary leadership and support that the people of Punjab receivedfrom Shri Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India.

There are no Akali Memberssitting here and I do not want to score any point. But, it is also thefact that when that glorious chapter in the history of Punjab was being written,the Akali Dal was busy in dividing the people of Punjab on communal lines.I am not scoring any point. History is there. The first AkaliGovernment came to power in Punjab in 1967 and what result it produced, I am notgoing to talk about that...

[Interruptions, with Balbir Punj asking, "Who gave Bhindranwale?"]

Therefore, we are discussingevents. We must view them in a proper perspective. Then, came theevents of late 70s. There was a nefarious design developed outside ourcountry, as a part of the theory of inflicting on our country a thousand cuts.And, out of that, came the sad period in Punjab's history which lasted until themid-1990s. The events of 1994 are all part of that great tragedy. Ittook the nation great effort to get Punjab out of that sad chapter.

The Sikh community had thevision to fight back the nefarious designs of the enemies of our country tocreate a situation where there would be a permanent strength between the Sikhcommunity and the national mainstream. It took the Sikh community a lot oftime to regain its self-confidence after the tragic events of 1984. I haveinteracted with hundreds and hundreds of Sikh young men who doubted, at thattime, whether they had a place in building a prosperous united Indian nation.I went abroad and several young Sikh people -- students and teachers -- used tocome to me with the same questions. And, I think, that would have been agreat national tragedy had we allowed the enemies of our nation to bring about apermanent rift between the Sikh community and the national mainstream. Ithink, it is a tribute to our national leadership of all shades -- I am notfinding fault with anyone -- that defeated the nefarious designs of forcesinimical to our country.

The Sikh community has regainedits self-confidence. I think, today terrorist elements do not sway theminds of our people, the way it was feared in the 1980s. But someone said,"Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty". And, I appeal toall the segments of this House, let us not create a situation; let us not use alanguage which will, once again, give handle to those forces who are inimical toour country's unity and integrity and who play upon the sentiments of innocentSikh youths. It is no service to the Sikh community. It is noservice to our nation.

I say so with great respectthat some of the things which have been said, they do not promote thatobjective. I started by saying that we cannot undo the past, but we havean option, today, to build a better future. Let us help the Sikh communityto get out of that trauma of 1984. Valiant efforts have been made by allour national leadership to achieve that task, and we have succeeded. Letus not do anything which will reverse that process.

You may not like the CongressParty, but who can deny India's history? I mention the role of JawaharlalNehru. After the tragic events of 1984, the uppermost thing that was inthe mind of Rajiv Gandhiji, when he became the Prime Minister, was how to bringback the Punjab into the national mainstream.

I recall the first thing thathe said to me, when he appointed me the Deputy Chairman of the PlanningCommission. He said, "This is my top priority". And, heworked assiduously to end that sad chapter. I know he was asked in ameeting, where I was also present, that, in the process, he had harmed theCongress Party; he had handed over the Government of Punjab to the Akali Dal.And, I still recall what Rajivji said on that occasion. He said, "Itis immaterial whether the Congress Party wins or loses. What is really ofsubstance is that India should prosper and India should develop."That's the legacy.

There were lapses in 1984.Several commissions have gone into this matter. We all know that we stilldo not know the truth, and the search must go on. This present commissionis no exception to that. I said in the other House, and I think Nilotpalji[Nilotpal Basu] also pointed out, that this Commission was not appointed by us.The records of this august House would show how this Commission came to beappointed. A question was put to the then hon. Home Minister about the1984 riots. A supplementary was, then, asked about setting up of acommission. And, there was some discussion. I was sitting on theother side, at that time, on the Chair where Shri Jaswant Singhji is seated.And, I thought that the Question Hour was not an occasion to discuss suchserious issues. So, I did not rise from my seat. After the Question Hour,I walked out. And, what did the then hon. Home Minister say whenhe went out? He said, "I was to appoint a Commission of Inquiry to gointo the 1984 events, but Dr. Manmohan Singh prevented me from doing that".

I protested that because thatwas not true. I speak from my memory, and I hope I am correct. Shri L.K.Advaniji then had to apologise to this House that what he had stated outside wasnot correct. The Commission was born in circumstances over which we had nocontrol, we had no choice about its terms of reference and we had no choiceabout who will be heading this Commission. The Report is before us, andone thing it conclusively states is that there is no evidence, whatsoever,against the top leadership of the Congress Party. That lie, which has overthe last 21 years been used to poison the minds of the Sikh youth, stands nailedconclusively.

There are, of course,individuals mentioned. The Commission has not come forward with conclusiveconclusions. These are in the realm of probabilities. And, I statedyesterday, in the other House, that there is such a thing as perception, thereis such a thing as the sentiment of both the Houses of Parliament, andrespecting that sentiment, whosoever figures in the Nanavati Report -- and theCommission has in its wisdom found it necessary to draw an adverse inferenceabout their conduct or behaviour -- we will reopen those cases. So, thatcommitment I have given.

One of my colleagues, a valuedcolleague, has tendered his resignation. That resignation has beenaccepted.

Questions have been raisedabout the rehabilitation of the affected families. I recognise thatthere may have been shortcomings. I have committed our Government to doall that we can to ensure that these widows, children and other relatives whodid suffer in the wake of the 1984 riots, whether in Delhi or outside -- we havea solemn obligation to help them to forget that sad chapter -- lead, once again,a life of dignity and self-respect.

There are some police officersagainst whom the ATR has made a mention. There is a normal rule that you cantake action against Government officers four years after retirement. Manyof them retired many, many years ago. But within the ambit of law,whatever action we can take, we will reopen those cases also if the law of theland permits that.

You have my assurance that ourGovernment stands committed to do all that we can humanly do to go to the rootof the problem, that all those individuals about whom the Commission has drawnadverse inferences, suggestions, and recommendations, we will have a re-look atthem, and that we will provide effective assistance to all the widows, childrenand the affected families so that they can lead a life of dignity andself-respect. Those police officers, whose conduct the Commission hasadversely commented, we will see what can be done, we will have a re-look atthose cases within the ambit of law.

In conclusion I would, onceagain, say what I started by saying at the beginning, we are dealing with thepast, the present and the future of a very brave community which has boldtraditions, which has been a part of our national mainstream, which hascontributed far above its proportionate share in our population, in the nationalfreedom struggle, which has contributed, admirably, to the processes of socialand economic development in our country, which have, as a result, made Punjabone of the most prosperous States of our country. Let us do nothing toweaken its spirit of self-confidence and its legacy throughout its history to bethe sword arm of Punjab.

I was pained yesterday when onehon. Member in the other House brought up instances where Sikh personnel of theArmed Forces suffered in 1984. Shri Rajnath Singh brought up that sadchapter again. I respectfully submit to you, that was the most painfulchapter in the history of our country. By reliving that, by reminding usagain and again you do not promote the cause of national integration, ofstrengthening our nation of sense of security. Please do not play politics withthe sentiments of a brave community like the Sikhs.

With these words, I once again,appeal to this House that these events of 1984 should be viewed from a widerperspective, that the past cannot be brought back, cannot be undone, but let us,as a united nation, find new pathways to ensure that our nation will never againgo through such traumas, whether they are in Delhi or in Gujarat or in anyother part of the country.

Our minorities, religious,cultural and social, have an honoured place in our Constitution. Thefounding fathers of our Republic gave us a Constitution of which we can belegitimately proud. And as I said, participating in the debate on my visit tothe United States some days ago, wherever I go, people marvel about the politythat India is a country of 100 crores [Here was a fumble for the exact figure,as the PM first said 10 crores, then 100 millions -- ed] seeking itsdestiny, seeking its salvation, in the framework of an open society, an openeconomy and deep and abiding commitment to the dignity of individuals andrespect for all fundamental human freedoms. There have been aberrations.To err is human. I can only conclude by saying that allof us should ask forgiveness of those who have suffered in this tragedy.Yesterday, in the other House, I quoted a sentence from Gurbani,and my friend, Sardar Balwant Singh, who was the Finance Minister of theAkali Government, a friend of 35 years' standing, who studied with me incollege, narrated to me how that period of sadness, of turmoil, ended when RajivGandhi signed the Accord with Sant Harchand Singh Longowal

Santji was of two minds.And, then Sardar Balwant Singh said, he said to me, "Let me seek guidancefrom Guru Granth Sahib". And, both of them went to the upper storeyof Sardar Balwant Singh's house and they opened up the page from the GuruGranth Sahib, and the first stanza that was on that page was like this.

It means, "Come and jointogether, oh, my siblings of destiny, dispel your sense of duality, and letyourself be lovingly absorbed in the Lord."

I conclude my speech by appealing to this august House, let the spirit ofworking steadfastly for national reconciliation, for wiping out tears from theeyes of each and every one of citizens be our guiding principle. It wasthe firm belief of the Father of our Nation, Mahatma Gandhi, to wipe every tearfrom every eye as mortals, human beings. That goal may be not attainable,but that is the inspiration which should inspire us in what we discuss and whatwe do in this august House.