American Bombs Damage Europe

BRUSSELS: Even before American bombs and missiles started raining down on Iraq there was a casualty - inEurope. Deep historical, political and cultural differences that underlie the relatively recently forged unitywere exposed as the European Union was confronted with a tough choice by Washington's new doctrine ofpreemptive strike against suspected enemy.

Fierce disagreement among the 15 members of the European Union over the rights and wrongs of US policesbrought personal relations between the feuding leaders to an all-time low. The acrimonious public battlesbetween Britain - backed by Spain, which staunchly supports US military action - and France and Germany, whichoppose war, are a damaging setback for the EU's still-embryonic efforts to craft a joint foreign and defensepolicy. Their arguments have cast a dark shadow over work on drafting a new EU constitution. Disagreementsover Iraq have also poisoned relations between current EU states and pro-American countries in Central andEastern Europe set to join the Union next year.

European Union policymakers are braced for more angry exchanges among governments in the days and weeksahead. But many also believe that Europe's latest and possibly worst crisis of unity in recent years can beovercome. Turmoil over Iraq may have taught governments an important lesson: to be taken seriously and haveglobal influence, EU states must speak with one voice, says European External Relations Commissioner ChrisPatten. A fractured EU cut a "sorry figure" on the world stage, Patten told the European Parliamentrecently, adding that the in-fighting had only worked to weaken the EU's global standing and internationalimage. Leaders of Britain, Spain, France and Germany should take a closer look at "how much they havedamaged their common enterprise and how much they have reduced their common influence as a result of publicsquabbling" Patten urged.

European unity is not just essential to ensure a more balanced transatlantic relationship but also to givethe bloc more clout when dealing with China and Russia. "Today's quarrel may be with the US over Iraq,but the EU also needs to stand up to economic competition from China and Russia," warns a seniordiplomat. "EU governments can only do that when they join together and maximize their voice."

Recent EU history certainly shows that European governments can learn from trial and error. After theirfailure to end fighting in ex-Yugoslavia in the early 1990s, EU governments appointed former NATO SecretaryGeneral Javier Solana as their "high representative" for foreign and security policy and stepped upconsultations on international flash points. No sudden miraculous changes in EU foreign policy coordinationensued, but Solana, working with NATO, has managed to cope much better in stabilizing the turbulent Balkansregion ever since. Also, after years of EU discord on policy towards the Middle East, Solana and his specialMiddle East troubleshooter Miguel Moratinos have managed to maintain EU cohesiveness in tacklingIsraeli-Palestinian violence and pursuing plans for peace in the region.

But healing wounds and reconstructing EU unity will take time and patience. EU differences over Iraq aredeep and far-reaching and are unlikely to disappear in a hurry. "Governments disagree over the legalityof the US action, whether it was necessary, if more time should have been given to U.N. inspectors and onwhether or not the goal is regime change in Iraq," admitted Greek Foreign Minister George Papandreou,whose country holds the EU's rotating presidency.

Relations with the US will remain a divisive factor. EU reconciliation will remain difficult as long asBlair sticks stalwartly to Britain's long-standing "special relationship" with the US and persistsin putting relations with America ahead of his loyalties to the EU. France, meanwhile, will continue todisplay distaste for playing by the rules of one "hyper-power." Putting bilateral Franco-Britishrelations back on track will be especially difficult. Ties between London and Paris are already nearrock-bottom: Over the last few weeks, Blair and Chirac have only managed to have a ten-minute telephoneconversation which insiders described as "frosty." French officials have also expressed"shock" at Blair's accusation that France sabotaged US-British efforts to secure a second UNresolution authorizing military action against Baghdad.

Personal relations between other leaders - an important element in EU integration - have also never been asstrained. German diplomats say Schroeder is so angry at Aznar's pro-American line that he will almostcertainly veto any attempt by the Spanish Premier, who has promised not to seek a third term next year, tobecome the next president of the European Commission.

And this worsening personal chemistry among leaders could have serious policy repercussions. As the EU'stop paymasters, Germany and France have hinted that Spain and Italy should no longer expect to receivegenerous handouts for their less-developed regions. Berlin has also said it wants provisions in any new EUconstitution that would allow like-minded countries to forge ahead on certain issues - including foreignpolicy - without waiting for all states to get on board. This is already the case in the monetary sector where12 EU countries are members of the eurozone, but Britain has said it does not want a two-speed Europe in otherareas.

One lesson is clearly that the bloc needs stronger rules to force countries to consult each other oninternational crisis. But here, too, the future looks grim. In-fighting among governments has slowed down workon a new EU treaty being drafted by a 105-member convention. The forum's chairman and former French President,Valery Giscard d'Estaing, has said he wants the dust to settle before tackling vital issues like reinforcingEU states' obligation to coordinate their foreign policies. This will delay work on the draft - which stillhas to be discussed and approved by EU governments - beyond its June deadline.

Inevitably, too, the Iraq crisis has led to calls that the bloc should have a "real" foreignminister, combining the jobs of Solana and Patten, or even a president on a par with national heads of stateand government, to ensure EU unity and authority in dealing with foreign governments.

The splits in the EU over Iraq also demonstrate the need for a single EU seat on the Security Council, saysGraham Watson, leader of the Liberal Democrat group in the European Parliament. "The battle at theSecurity Council is a struggle to constrain the unfettered exercise of American power. Europe's troubledtribalism means that America wins. Despite having four out of fifteen seats on the Security Council we arepowerless. If the EU had one vote, Germany, France, Britain and Spain would have to agree and speak with onevoice. Europe's worldview would prevail," he says.

But others warn that new rules and provisions and even a joint EU seat at the UN - would not be enough toensure that the EU speaks with one voice on world affairs. EU leaders need to acquire a new political reflexallowing them to look at the world through European rather than purely national eyes, says a senior diplomat."It's not just a question of architecture but of political will. If there is a real difference of viewsamong governments on an issue like Iraq, new rules will not make a difference. Even a full-fledged EU foreignminister would have wrung his hands in despair."

Still, despite the odds, Greece - as current EU president - is determined to use the coming weeks to mendbroken fences and patch up battered EU relations. "We will use this crisis as an experience to moveforward," says Greek Foreign Minister Papandreou, adding, "Many issues divide us but much alsounites us." Greece's priority over the coming months will be to find common ground among EU governmentson issues like humanitarian aid for Iraq, rebuilding the United Nations' credibility, and ensuring theterritorial integrity of Iraq. Papandreou says he also wants a "strategic debate" with the US on howto deal with global values and governance and strengthen Europe's relations with the Arab and Muslim world.

One area where EU governments will certainly come together is to provide "day-after" emergencyrelief to Iraqi victims of conflict. But there is no agreement on EU participation in post-war reconstructionefforts. "The only thing we agree is that the UN must be center-stage in all further developments inIraq... but some governments don't want to talk about reconstruction assistance at this stage," says anEU official.

These and other differences will, however, have to be overcome if the EU is to fulfill its often-expressedaim of becoming a global power. The good news is that despite the ill-will, EU leaders, foreign ministers, andofficials are already talking and thinking about reconciliation and the ways to achieve it. Picking up thepieces of EU unity will require hard work. But as an EU diplomat put it: "If the EU advances as a resultof crisis in five or ten years, the Iraq problem could be seen as a catalyst for strengthening European commonforeign and security policy, not its death knell."