February 2002: Five years on, that vow is realised as the Congress rides to power on an anti-incumbency wave. The captain, who rejoined the Congress under Sonia Gandhi’s leadership in October 1997 and became pcc chief soon after, is the obvious choice for CM. The captain’s pilgrimage to power was assisted in no small measure by Badal’s misgovernance—one reason why so many sad cabinet ministers lost. Corruption was rampant, the state bankrupt, nepotism was rife and the bureaucracy politicised. At one point, Amarinder had fumed: "Badal’s selling the family silver (state property) just to pay staff salaries. And taking a cut even there."
If the sad managed a respectable tally in the assembly elections, it’s only because Badal retains his hold over Punjab’s peasantry. By ensuring 100 per cent procurement of foodgrains year after year and regular hikes in the minimum support price, he’s kept his rural constituency intact. The poll results also indicated that voters spurned the Panthic Morcha in favour of the "real" Akali Dal and that the Bahujan Samaj Party continues to be a marginal player.
Amarinder gets a turban of thorns: he has to turn the state’s economy around while dealing with the contentious Sutlej Yamuna Link Canal issue. The Akalis, loose cannons when in the opposition, are already sharpening their swords—and Badal still controls the sgpc. And he has to beware of threats from within his party too.
