My Hero, My Leader: Deification In Dravidian Politics

In October 2025, the tragic death of 41 people, including women and children, who had gathered to get a glimpse of matinee idol-turned politician Vijay, revived the debate about hero-worship of film stars and politicians.

A strong link has always existed between cinema and politics, particularly in Tamil Nadu, with star power translating into mass political appeal. This culture of veneration and deification has been a significant feature of Dravidian politics, whether it was Karunanidhi, MGR or Jayalalithaa, who all had their early career in films. M.G. Ramachandran (MGR), for instance, used his on-screen persona as a benevolent hero to build a massive following that became the foundation of his political party, the AIADMK. Although Sivaji Ganesan equalled MGR in popularity, he couldn’t become a successful political leader because his heroic image was that of a character actor; he transformed into whatever role he played and could not turn himself into a vigilante prototype, unlike MGR.

After playing small parts in several films, M.G.R. attained fame in his first film as the lead hero, Rajakumari (1947), with a screenplay and dialogues by M. Karunanidhi. They were good friends and went on to partner in several hits. The MGR-Karunanidhi combination was a winning formula for many masala blockbusters like Manthiri Kumari (1950),Maruthanad Elavarasee (1950), Malaikkallan (1954), Kaanchi Thalaivan (1963), etc, establishing MGR's swashbuckling hero image, and earning him the title of “saviour of the downtrodden”.  The people of Tamil Nadu, although then burdened by poverty and lacking literacy, found succour in his films. His charming ways and onscreen roles were an alternate world, an escape route from the drudgery of daily existence.   

Over the years, the duo fell apart politically, and MGR became Karunanidhi’s arch-rival and founded AIADMK. “Nan aanayittal athu nadandhu vital, ingu yezhaigal vethanai padamattar (If I promise and if that promise materialises, the poor will not suffer here), an all-time favourite MGR song, summed up the social reforms that he was to carry out after he became chief minister in 1977

In Nam Naadu (1969), as a hero politician addressing a corrupt politician, he says, “Do you know what my greatest asset is? My honour – the trust people place in me. That I will never betray” (translated from Tamil)
Tamil Nadu has temples and shrines dedicated to the late matinee idol-turned-chief minister, MGR, across the state. When MGR died, it is estimated that 30 people died by suicide. Widespread violence also led to the loss of public property worth crores of rupees, and many lives were lost as mobs went on the rampage. 

Tamil writer Vaasanthi said in an interview, “Tamil Nadu has an inherently venerating culture. Deifying heroes comes naturally to a people who seek idols to emulate. After the advent of the Dravidian movement on the plank of atheism, political leaders and movie stars took the place of gods in common people’s lives”.

When J Jayalalithaa was the chief minister of Tamil Nadu, she was hailed as ‘Amma’ or mother and was an icon for her followers, much like a divine being. Life-size cut-outs, banners and slogans in her praise could be seen across the capital, Chennai. In the Tiruchi district of Tamil Nadu, fans built a temple for popular actress Khusbhoo, which was later razed down by protesters following her views on precautions during pre-marital sex in 2005.

D I Aravindan, a journalist and political commentator, argues, “The hero-worship culture is not confined to the Dravidian movement. Earlier in history, there was evidence of hero worship in the Congress, with Gandhi and Nehru. Maybe they deserved it, just like Ambedkar or Mandela did. These were based on ideology and principles. The personality-oriented hero worship started with Indira Gandhi. My point is, it is not uniquely a Dravidian phenomenon. Even others in Indian politics, like Laloo Prasad Yadav or Mulayam Singh Yadav, have been hero-worshipped. If the BJP has always been touted as a party that doesn’t bank on hero worship, that theory is flawed too, because the winning margin is given by Modi – and that clearly signals hero-worship and idolatry,” he says.

But isn’t politics as much about social thinkers as about leadership? The basis for hero-worship lies in something else, Aravindan explains,  “Annadurai, founder of the DMK, a great orator and thinker, launched a unique campaign for the Tamil cause, and designed the Tamil identity as it were; but he wasn’t hero-worshipped. It was MGR, with his stature as a film personality, that began to wield that power, followed by Jayalalithaa and Karunanidhi, and now Vijay, who enjoys that status through sheer charisma. With Karunanidhi, just hearing his voice was transformative and had crowds in frenzy,” he adds.

A scriptwriter par excellence, M. Karunanidhi began penning scripts for plays at 20, his works becoming a vehicle for propagating the principles of the Dravidian movement. Through Karunanidhi, the Tamil movie industry shifted from mythology to history, introducing audiences to power-packed Tamil dialogues (many featuring MGR) that combined entertainment with Dravidian ideology and social reform messages.

The Tamilian proclivity to hero worship often touches maniacal proportions, especially during celebrations preceding the release of a Rajnikanth movie. Scenes of fans pouring gallons of milk on their icon’s three-storey-high cut-outs before his movie's release, and the grandiose openings of each of his movies, are just one example of the Tamil psyche’s inclination to make a god out of a mere mortal.

It is reported that after Rajnikanth, film actor ‘Ilayathalapathy’ Vijay has the second-highest number of fan clubs across the state, totalling over 20,000 with 2 million members. 

“As for Vijay, his popularity and his perceived fast growth purely stem from his charisma as an actor and parallel to him stands Udayanidhi Stalin, who is yet to emerge as a leader,” says Aravindan.

Tamil Nadu is unique in the sense that apart from the idea of liberation, the concepts of social justice also permeated cinema. Leaders like MGR translated the party’s historic narrative into allegorical film narratives through dialogues and songs as a hero. Thus, in a society where literacy was still lacking, films became a form of mass education. Aravindan decodes this route to democratic citizenship further. “Indian democracy is not a mature democracy, so it needs the power and persuasion of such personalities in getting people to come and vote. Each party has a solid and loyal group. It is true that Stalin, although he inherited the party and maintained his strength and proved his leadership, cannot match the power of MGR, Karunanidhi or Vijay. I cannot see people hero-worshipping him. But if Vijay is a threat to DMK and AIADMK, and can pull the neutral voters through an anti-incumbency approach, their only counter and response can be through their work, both at the ground level and grassroots level and a well-constructed party and infrastructure.”

Maybe film stars achieve such cult status and go on to become political masters because Tamils have, over the years, looked at cine actors to get a glimpse of what they themselves may never achieve in life.