Kerala's Left Betrayal: State-Driven Hinduisation and Casteism in the Ayyappa Sangamam

Kerala, often hailed as the epitome of Indian secularism, has been the standard-bearer of progressiveness for left-leaning, liberal citizens of the country for decades. For them and the broader public, the primary reason for Kerala's progressive image has been its communist rule and the "Marxian" nature of its narratives.

However, this narrative of progressiveness has been consistently challenged by Dalit intelligentsia and subaltern scholars, who argue that communist rule was merely a series of aesthetically pleasing, benevolent acts viewed through the lens of the Savarnas. They contend that Dalits, tribals, and other marginalised communities were excluded and ostracised from this so-called progressiveness.

The influence of the Left, in this regard, was not as promising for the marginalised. As the thinker K. K. Kochu stated in an interview with this author on Anthardhara magazine in November 2021¹, the communist influence hindered Dalit progress while consistently prioritising the interests of oppressors and Hindutva.

These criticisms of the communist government’s prioritisation of oppressors’ interests may surprise some readers, who might draw comparisons between Kerala’s political landscape and Hindutva-driven governance in states like Uttar Pradesh. However, evidence from the policies of successive Kerala governments reveals a deeply casteist undercurrent in its left-leaning politics.

Dr. Maya Pramod’s PhD thesis² on colonies and land reforms in Kerala demonstrates how both left- and right-wing administrations have marginalised Dalit communities, often relegating them to segregated settlements. Her research exposes the fraudulent nature of Kerala's land reforms and distribution processes, where Savarnas disproportionately benefitted while Dalits were further marginalised and confined to segregated spaces. Thus, the decades-long rule of the Left in Kerala has largely functioned as a Savarna-dominated system, aligning with Hindutva interests.

This alignment is further evidenced by the Global Ayyappa Sangamam, organised by the Kerala Left government and the Devaswom Board three days earlier, which takes the trend of Hinduisation a notch above previous efforts, thereby strongly mirroring the Brahmanical/Hindutva tendencies observed in BJP-ruled states and aligning with Sangh Parivar interests. As the Global Ayyappa Sangamam concludes, it is crucial to examine its societal impacts and effects on diverse communities. This understanding is essential for those committed to social justice and democracy to effectively address and counter these developments.

Hinduisation and the Role of the State

Post-colonial India has witnessed various processes of Hinduisation alongside the rise of Hindutva ideology in recent decades. Through legal measures, policies, and constitutional amendments, forceful Hinduisation has been pursued under the guise of democracy. Legal mechanisms, such as Hindu personal laws, effectively categorise individuals who are not Christian, Muslim, Parsi, or Jew as Hindus, regardless of their personal beliefs or preferences. The Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, issued under Article 341, restricts Scheduled Caste (SC) status to Hindus, compelling theologically non-Hindu individuals to be classified within the Hindu fold to access state support and benefits.

Courts and state policies have further reinforced this by defining "Hindu" and "Hinduism" broadly and loosely, significantly impacting society. A notable example is the Supreme Court’s judgment in Sastri Yagnapurushdasji v. Muldas Bhundardas Vaishya (1966), where a five-judge bench, led by Chief Justice P.B. Gajendragadkar, defined Hinduism as a broad and liberal "way of life.³" This ruling resonated with Hindutva proponents who interpret Hinduism as an all-encompassing cultural identity.

However, state-sponsored programmes explicitly promoting this agenda emerged later. States began defining Hinduism through structured initiatives and organised events to create a politically charged Hindu identity. In 2022, the Karnataka government, under BJP leadership, organised the Hindu Rashtra Mahotsav in Belagavi, a multi-day event featuring seminars, cultural performances, and speeches emphasising Hinduism’s "liberal and pluralistic ethos."

Chief Minister Basavaraj Bommai described Hinduism as a "way of life" that embraces diversity. In contrast, the Uttar Pradesh government, under Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath (the BJP, since 2017), adopted a more direct approach through "Ghar Wapsi" (Homecoming) campaigns. These state-backed efforts aimed to "reconvert" Christians and Muslims—particularly Dalits and tribals—to Hinduism, framed as restoring their "original" Hindu identity. Such programmes have profoundly impacted individuals and communities, effectively coercing them into adopting a Hindu identity.

The Global Ayyappa Sangamam by Kerala’s communist-led state government, represents the latest addition to state-sponsored Hinduisation or Brahmanisation. Through this programme, the state urges "Hindu" communities to participate in a summit centred on the Hindu deity Ayyappa. This initiative acts as a litmus test, segregating Hindus from non-Hindus and implicitly dictating that communities must identify as Hindu. By fostering a broad, politically unified Hindu identity, the programme aligns with the Sangh Parivar’s vision of "Hinduness" that subsumes diverse groups without addressing caste hierarchies. Various communities, from Dalits to dominant castes, participate, often driven by socio-economic necessities. However, the creation of such a political space has far-reaching implications, reinforcing a homogenised Hindu identity at the expense of subaltern agency and caste annihilation.

Ayyappa Sangamam: The Hiranya Garbha for Hinduisation

Historically "Hindus" were an exclusionary term used to indicate 'Savarna' people which excludes Dalit-Bahujan. In the east India company reports, we can see them mentioning Hindu Christians, Hindu Muslims, Hindu Brahmins etc4. However when the new concept of Hinduism started during 20th century, the term Hindus became a nationalist term and it evolved into an ambiguous term defined by the judiciary and bureaucracy and people in power. This process of defining and solidifying Hinduism in a brahmanical manner has been a continuous process in India since Independence. The Global Ayyappa meeting organised by the Devaswom board and Kerala Government is the newest addition to the state sponsored brahmanisation.

The government, along with spokespersons of the Communist Party, has framed the programme as secular, while party sympathisers dismiss it as a mere "political" act. However, it is critical to understand this programme within the context of ongoing Brahmanisation. As mentioned above, the programme serves as a litmus test to compartmentalise "Hindus" by the state. In effect, the state is defining the idea of "Hindu" and what it means to be Hindu. Knowingly or unknowingly, this process shapes the culture and theology of movements unified under a specific, Brahmanical interpretation of Hinduism.

The question of how this unification occurs reveals a second process: the state's role in Brahmanising the term "Hindu" through its involvement. The focal point is Ayyappa, a historically subaltern deity now Brahmanised, along with the traditions and customs surrounding the deity, which are endorsed by the state and inherently Brahmanical. The Sabarimala Ayyappa Temple, managed by the government-controlled Devaswom Board, exemplifies this. The board and the minister issue all notices and advertisements related to the temple, including invitations exclusively for Brahmin priests to perform poojas and even an advertisement for a cook at a temple under Devaswom Board that specifically requested a "Malayali Brahmin.5"

Every tradition and custom upheld by the government within the temple is Brahmanical. How, then, can they claim the programme is "secular" or anti-caste? The focal point, used as a litmus test for being Hindu, is a Brahmanical space, equating "Hindu" with Brahmanism. By encouraging movements to identify as Hindu and participate, the state is sponsoring a 'Hiranya Garbha' to Brahmanise society while leaving caste hegemony unquestioned.

The Left and its Political Shortsightedness

The Global Ayyappa Sangamam has politically enabled the Sangh Parivar to advance its agenda by organising an alternative Ayyappa programme, trapping Kerala’s citizens in a binary choice: a Brahmanised Left version of Ayyappa or a Brahmanised Right version for the upcoming election. Both sides compete for votes by leveraging Hindu-centric arguments and promoting the Hinduisation of society, elevating Brahmanised deities as the focal point of secular democracy and state policy. Regardless of whether citizens’ choices are driven by political allegiance or religious motivations, the outcome benefits Hindutva and Brahmanism in the long term, as both sides undermine social democracy and justice.

A clear example of this dynamic is seen in the contrasting responses to the Global Ayyappa Sangamam and the Sangh Parivar’s alternative Ayyappa programme. Following the Sangamam, CPI(M) State Secretary M.V. Govindan declared the issue of women’s entry into Sabarimala a “closed chapter,” aligning with conservative Hindu sentiments. Similarly, at the alternative meeting, K. Annamalai, former Tamil Nadu BJP president, urged Kerala’s Chief Minister to withdraw the state’s Supreme Court affidavit supporting women’s entry.

These statements highlight how both the CPI(M)-led Left and the BJP-led Right prioritise Brahmanised Hindu identity over social justice, reinforcing Hindutva and Brahmanism regardless of which programme citizens support. Thus it is safe to assume that the CPI(M)-led government, despite its leftist label, paved a smoother way for the Right, betraying principles of social democracy and even its own ideas of emancipation.

¹ Kochu, K.K. 2021. Communist Swaadheenam Dalithukale Muradippichu Interview by Anandu Raj. Anthardhara.

² The Socio-Economic Aspects of Dalit Colonies in Kerala – Title of the PhD Topic

³ Galanter, Marc. 1971. “Hinduism, Secularism, and the Indian Judiciary.” Philosophy East and West 21 (4): 467. https://doi.org/10.2307/1398174.

⁴ Frykenberg, Robert Eric. 2013. “The Construction of Hinduism as a ‘Public’ Religion: Looking Again at the Religious Roots of Company Raj in South India.” In Religion and Public Culture, edited by Keith E. Yandell and John J. Paul. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315027579.

⁵ Staff, TNM. 2023. “Kerala’s Guruvayoor Temple Invites Applications for Cook Only from ‘Abled Brahmins.’” The News Minute. October 16, 2023. https://www.thenewsminute.com/kerala/keralas-guruvayoor-temple-invites-applications-for-cook-only-from-abled-brahmins.

(Anandu Raj is a postgraduate student at the Centre for Modern Indian Studies (CeMIS), University of Göttingen, Germany)