Strategic Caste Politics? BJP Bets On Upper Castes While JD(U) Focuses On Backward Classes

While the seat-sharing picture among the India Alliance in Bihar is yet to be fully finalised, the NDA alliance has announced its candidates for all 243 constituencies.

In the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s ticket distribution pattern clearly indicates a strategic focus on the upper-caste (forward) communities. Notably, the list of candidates features a higher number of Rajputs, Bhumihars, and Brahmins compared to the previous elections.

A Tilt Towards Upper-Caste?

Why has the BJP shown such a tilt toward upper castes? To understand this, it is necessary to consider not only Bihar’s social structure but also central politics and the post-caste-survey environment. The signals supporting the central government’s caste survey had created unease among the BJP’s traditional upper-caste voters. They felt the party was succumbing to the pressure of “social justice” politics.

Through ticket allocation, the BJP has sent a clear message to its core supporters that it has not forgotten them and remains committed to providing them representation and respect.

In the 243-member Bihar Assembly, BJP is contesting 101 seats, allocating 49 tickets to upper-caste candidates—almost 50 per cent of its total—while upper castes make up just 10.57 per cent of the population, per the 2023 Bihar Caste Survey. The 49 candidates include 21 Rajputs, 16 Bhumihars, 11 Brahmins, and one Kayasth (with their respective community percentages provided).

At the same time, backward, extremely backward, Dalit (Scheduled Caste, SC), and tribal (Scheduled Tribe, ST) communities, which constitute roughly 85 per cent of the population, receive only about 50 per cent of the total tickets.

Election analyst Ashish Ranjan says the BJP’s core voter base in Bihar remains the upper caste community, who support the party almost blindly. He notes, "BJP has always allotted tickets to upper castes, and this time, that share has increased slightly. The central government’s caste census decision created some resentment among the upper castes, while the rise of Prashant Kishor’s image among Brahmins added to it. BJP is trying to balance this through ticket distribution."

Ranjan further explains that the BJP’s strategy is to consolidate upper-caste votes while Janata Dal (United) (JDU) manages the backward, extremely backward (EBC), and Other Backward Classes (OBC) votes, and Dalits are catered to through leaders like Jitan Ram Manjhi and Chirag Paswan.

BJP has allocated 30 tickets to OBC candidates – 15 Vaishyas, seven Kushwahas, six Yadavs, and two Kurmis – along with 12 Dalits and 10 from the extremely backward communities.

In Contrast, JDU Backs Backwards Communities

On the other hand, JDU has focused its ticket distribution on backward communities. Nitish Kumar’s JDU has allotted 37 of its 101 candidates to backward classes, with the highest number to Kushwahas/Koiris (13), Kurmis (12), Yadavs (eight), and Vaishyas (four). Among the 22 candidates, each from extremely backward and upper-caste communities, the EBC share is dominated by Dhanuaks (eight), followed by Mallahs (three), Gangotas, Kamats, Chandravanshis, and Telis (two each), and one each from Halwai, Kanau, and Goswami communities. Upper-caste tickets mainly went to Rajputs (10), Bhumihars (nine), Brahmins (two), and Kayasths (one).

JDU has also fielded 16 Dalit (Scheduled Caste, SC) and tribal (Scheduled Tribe, ST) candidates, primarily from Manjhi/Mushar and Ravidas communities (5 each), and four Muslims, down from six in 2020. Chirag Paswan’s Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) (LJP-RV) has distributed more upper-caste tickets than Dalits in its 29-seat share. He has allotted 10 tickets to forward castes (four Bhumihars, five Rajputs, one Brahmin), eight to Dalits, six to OBCs (five Yadav, one Kushwaha), four to EBCs, and one Muslim.

Jitan Ram Manjhi and Upendra Kushwaha allocated two upper-caste candidates each in their six-seat shares, while Manjhi fielded four Dalits and Kushwaha four OBC candidates.

In percentage terms, the BJP has given 50 per cent of its tickets to upper castes, JDU 22 per cent, Chirag Paswan 34.5 per cent, and Manjhi/Kushwaha 33.3 per cent. Clearly, communities with only 10.5 per cent of the population have received disproportionate representation across NDA parties.

What Has Changed From Last Election In Bihar?

Compared to the last election, the BJP had fielded 51 upper-caste candidates out of 110 seats, with 59 candidates from OBC, EBC, and SC. This time, the difference is less pronounced. Even JDU has increased its upper-caste candidates from 16 to 22, despite contesting 14 fewer seats than last time.

Senior journalist Kanhaiya Bhelari says the BJP’s upper-caste tilt is driven by concerns over Prashant Kishor’s influence and the caste survey, both aimed at holding its core voters. He adds, “Upper-caste and Vaishya voters are the BJP’s strong vote bank; Yadavs and Muslims have minimal representation.”

Prem Ranjan Patel, a two-time BJP MLA from the backward class, did not get a ticket this time, as his seat went to JDU. He remarked that the overall ticket allocation across 243 seats shows that the BJP prioritises upper castes while JDU ensures significant backward-caste representation.

Can BJP’s Caste Politics Calm Discontent Over Caste Survey?

BJP’s caste-focused strategy extends beyond ticket allocation, hinting at preparations for its own Chief Ministerial candidate. Overall, the BJP’s move seeks to calm discontent from the caste survey, maintain social balance within NDA, and reaffirm loyalty among its core voters. Essentially, the BJP signals acceptance of social justice politics but without compromising its identity.

The Bihar elections illustrate NDA’s deliberate use of caste as a strategic tool: BJP shores up its core upper-caste vote, JD(U) consolidates backwards-class support, and allies like LJP-RV and Manjhi-led groups focus on Dalit representation, proving electoral success depends on carefully curated caste coalitions.