'The Revolutionary Potential Of Non-Violence'

Dear comrades,

We are Indians, and supporters of the Nepali people's struggle for democracy.Rather than a bearer of a national identity, we speak as world citizens whobelieve in the shared values and solidarity of all democratic movements. What wehave to say is urgent, because it is painful to observe the agony of the Nepalipeople, especially the most vulnerable, such as children and the poor. Thesehumble millions are caught in a political storm, whose contenders all claim tospeak in the name of 'the people' with little concern about the consequences oftheir actions on the peoples' lives and livelihood. We are living through animportant moment, when a step back from deeply-held positions can bring aboutfar- reaching changes for the better. It is a sign of hope that this seems to beoccurring at the present time.

Friends, it is clear that the traditional Nepali ruling elites have seizedabsolute power and continue to maintain this shamelessly, in the face ofnational and international condemnation. It is also clear that the absolutistswill not understand or act upon globally accepted ideals of human liberty,democracy, equality before law and constitutional limits to state power. Despitetheir slogans hailing the unity of the monarch and the praja, the rulingelite has no concern for the welfare of its own citizens, millions of whom areobliged to work in degrading conditions in India and other countries.

International Opinion

Except for the US, the dominant powers of the Western alliance and countriessuch as India, have expressed their scepticism about the intentions of theNepali monarch or his potential for unifying the polity. Even other autocracies,such as China who had previously supported the monarchy are distancingthemselves from its short sighted and politically bankrupt acts. The lateststatements of the US ambassador express concern that a Maoist revolution wouldbe a greater danger to the people than an uncaring monarchy, although theevidence indicates that the Royal Nepal Army has killed more innocent civiliansthan the Maobaadis in the last 10 years. The American administration ismotivated by self-interest rather than principle. They are even now inoccupation of Afghanistan and Iraq in defiance of international law, and haveshown no love for democracy in South Asia where, over the decades they havesupported dictators and religious fanatics of all colours. They supportdemocratic movements when and where this suits them, and contemptuouslydisregard democratic values when it doesn't. Hence, while welcoming the warmwords of certain Western leaders and representatives, we should be sceptical oftheir intentions and the stability of their commitments. In India, a wide rangeof Indian political opinion supports the cause of democracy in Nepal althoughthere is support for the monarchy among some sections of the army, bureaucracy,the old princely families and the RSS-VHP.

However, this letter is not addressed to the Nepali rulers, nor is it ananalysis of political opinion with regard to Nepal. It is primarily an appeal toall Nepali democrats, including Maobaadis (who say they have a new commitment todemocracy), to recognise the current moment for its great potential. The rulingclique is isolated as never before, nationally and internationally. And themainstream Nepali democrats have come to an understanding with the Maobaadis,who for their part have stated their support for an elected ConstituentAssembly, and the concept of multi-party democracy. The issues are becomingsimplified, and the enemies of democracy are becoming isolated.

The Opposition

The problem remains of overcoming mutual distrust among all the mainstreamdemocrats, of pre-empting the autocratic ambitions of the Nepali Army, and ofstopping the bloodshed. As regards the parliamentary opposition, strongpolitical will is needed to maintain a self-critical approach to old ways ofthinking and acting, to overcome old animosities, and to maintain a dialogue notonly among themselves, but with millions of ordinary Nepalis who want ademocratic republic. A new vision is necessary, along with institutional andpolitical preparation for a constitutional order, and fresh initiatives towardsthese aims - such as ensuring democracy within their own parties, devising aplan of action for the Constituent Assembly, ensuring neutrality, protectingcitizens lives, etc. As for the Army generals, one can only hope that some ofthem have the sense to see that democracy is good for Nepal. There must be manyarmy jawans/soldiers and some officers, who would sympathise with democraticideals. We must welcome them and address them politically rather than push themaway.

But above all, democrats must develop the confidence in their own strength,vision and ability to engage with the Maobaadis to ensure that they uphold thealliance. There must be a continuing dialogue with them to encourage them togive up violence. Many Nepalis, while not being Maoists themselves, sympathisewith them, participate in their activities, and have ambivalent positions on thequestion of "people's war". This situation has been brought about byanger and helplessness in the face of a selfish, autocratic and cruel governingauthority, with no vehicle to express grievance or seek social justice throughpeaceful methods. We can understand the origins and force of this anger but wemust remember that (apart from the moral issues), if anger is not restrained andharnessed, it becomes a spiral of violent revenge and creates a political systemthat is the mirror image of one that is overthrown. The pent up emotions andenergies of the Nepali people can find a more creative and optimistic expressionin non-violent social movements and activities which will serve as thefoundation of a democratic state structure.

The creation of democratic party structures, mass social and politicalmovements, and democratic civil institutions at district and community levels,are the only foundations for a stable and viable democracy. We may understandPrachanda's anger at the callousness of the absolutist monarchy but we can alsounderstand the fear and scepticism evoked amongst democratic forces in Nepalwhen he says that he expects a people's court to execute the king. Nepal hasabolished the death penalty and has an active and well functioning judiciary.Prachanda's statement will undermine rather than help consolidate the process ofdemocratic unity.

The Urge for Peaceful Change

We appeal to all of you to think about the strong urge for peace among yourfellow Nepalis. People want an end to tyranny, but not at the cost of so muchbloodshed and cruelty. To kill a single person, no matter how bad he is, withoutdue process of law, violates democratic principles. We cannot fight fordemocracy by using anti-democratic procedures, or preaching autocratic values.We cannot complain that the state indulges in extra-judicial killings and thendo the same thing ourselves. How can we encourage young revolutionaries to killnot only the soldiers (who are mostly poor people like themselves), but also ataxi-driver who violates a 'bandh', a telephone booth operator who was forced toallow the Army to use his telephone, or ordinary bus passengers, as in Chitwanlast year? Is it enough to say, sorry, these are 'accidents' and then expect thevictims' near and dear ones to wipe their tears and support the revolution? Inlate January, at Kathmandu airport, we saw a young working-class Nepali womansee off her husband - maybe he was joining a job in a foreign country. She wasweeping silently, and we thought how much more would be her sorrow if he were tobe killed in some encounter, some cross-fire, some bandh?

Friends, brutality operates in a cycle. The Army and police have been brutal,and the revolutionaries have also been brutal. How does it make any differenceto the victims of cruelty that the State has killed 8000 people and therevolutionaries only 4000? Is the pain of their relatives lessened because theydied while comrades fought for a good cause? So much accumulated tragedy andpain and tears! Do the Nepali people deserve so much suffering on top of all thetragic consequences of autocratic rule? Organised killing develops autocraticmodes of thought and totalitarian politics. It destroys the human conscience,encourages lawlessness and disrespect for human life. The people who survivesuch a bloody revolution will be emotionally and psychologically damaged people.Precedents will have been set that will endanger the future of democracy.

An Appeal to the Comrades

Many of the Maobaadis are inspired by pure ideals and sincere beliefs. Butunfortunately the politics of violence is a slippery road that can change humancharacter, and transform lofty goals into current nightmares. Democrats need tostart a dialogue to bring about lasting democracy in Nepal. If they arefar-sighted, the Maobaadis can make a historic contribution to this dialogue.With due respect we must tell Comrade Prachanda and all the comrades: your angeris justified, but your violence is not. Instead of venting your anger in waysthat often harm your own citizenry, subjecting them to yet more cruelty, itwould be more fruitful to build democratic structures and practices (both withinand outside the political parties) which will become the foundations for afuture democratic Nepal.

Friends, we strongly believe that peace and security and freedom from fear isas much of a popular aspiration as a democratic constitution or improved workingconditions. The sooner the comrades realise this, the better it will be for thesocialist cause. Violence and cruelty is the language of the exploiters andoppressors - if socialists also use this language, what hope remains forhumanity? All kinds of non-violent protests and constructive programmes can beorganised. Popular committees could be started in localities to startdemocratisation even before constitutional change. After all, democracy meansnot just rule with the consent of the governed, but the participation of thepeople in governance. We appeal to you to consider this: A publicdeclaration by the Maobaadis that they will stick to their demands but will giveup violence, can electrify the situation.

This March 8, let us remember the ordinary Russian soldiers of the Tsar'sarmy who refused to shoot women demonstrators on International Women's Day in StPetersburg in 1917. This single incident marked the overthrow of Tsarism and theadvent of the Russian Revolution. Comrades! The greatest victory would be foryou to prevail over the soldiers and policemen via their conscience rather thanthrough fear. Let us experiment with the revolutionary potential ofnon-violence. Let us imagine a politics of love, rather than of hate. Oncepeople stop fearing for their lives, and if the comrades demonstrate theirsincerity, then fence-sitters (and maybe even elements of the armed forces) willjoin the ranks of democracy. The constant tension, fear, and enmity will subsideand the ordinary people will be encouraged to participate in the historic taskof constructing Nepali democracy.

With love, best wishes and fraternal regards to all of you

Dilip Simeon
Madhu Sarin

New Delhi
March 1, 2006