Making A Difference

'Exercise The Right To Ijtihad'

Ayesha Jalal joins in the debate on the so called "Crisis In Islam"...

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'Exercise The Right To Ijtihad'
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Most people focus their attention on the public purveyors and victims ofIslamic fundamentalism. Where do Muslim women's voices fit into thisequation - don't they silently bear the sorrows of Islamic extremism?

The term 'Islamic fundamentalism' is quite misleading. Most Muslims believein the fundamentals of their faith. Historically, women Sufi saints suchRabiya Basri and, in the South Asia Lal Ded of Kashmir, have had a voice inarticulating Muslim devotion as well as resistance against social inequity.Muslim women today have often to bear the sorrows of tribal and clan basedpatriarchies, shrouded in the cloak of religion. Not all do so silently.

What has been the impact of fundamentalist politics on the role of womenin Muslim societies? Have they been entirely shut out or does a femalepolitics persist in small localized forms of resistance?

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As you can see I question the premise of a 'fundamentalist politics' thoughI do not deny that there are variants of radical Islam which can beliberating or oppressive depending on the socio-historical context. Womenare at a particular disadvantage in relation to certain sociallyconservative forms of Islamic orthodoxy such as the one practised by theTaliban in Afghanistan. Women do resort to everyday forms of resistanceagainst such oppression which are not highly visible to the externalobserver. However the scope for effective resistance is more often then notvery limited.

How concerned are Pakistani Muslims about the threat posed bysectarianism within the country? Historically, is it not the case thatsectarian conflict leads not just to violence between groups but also toreification within groups thus promoting rigidity and dogmatism?

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A great many Pakistani Muslims are deeply disturbed by the threat posed byultra-orthodox sectarian organizations. Ironically, several of these groupscame into prominence during the period of Pakistani support for the Afghanresistance against the Soviet occupation. They have inflicted severe damageon the social fabric of Pakistan in the last two decades. They are armed totheir teeth, but do not enjoy a wide base of support in society. Acts ofviolence between armed militant groups should not be misinterpreted as deepseated sectarian hatred.

Where does a politics of emancipation begin for Muslim women - howshould they go about opposing those interpretations of Islam that formalizepatriarchal relations within their societies? Is providing alternativeinterpretations enough to overturn those patriarchal interpretations thatare backed up by localized forms of sanctions and violence? 

The politics of emancipation for Muslim women must aim at reclaiming theterrain of Islam from the religious bigots. Unfortunately, seculardogmatism has often resulted in an abandonment of this crucial domain. Itis one thing to be disdainful of religious bigots; quite another to exposetheir lack of understanding of Islam. Only by engaging with Islam will itbe possible for Muslim women to reject an unwarranted theologicalcentralization of the faith that has constrained the liberty of theindividual. Muslim women must exercise the right to ijtihad or independentreasoning. 

To what extent does the absence of democracy in the Muslim worldsuffocate gender politics? Is it not the case that failing states imposethe heaviest burden on women who must tend to their families, especiallytheir children, in the absence of any state assistance. How does thisaffect their relationship with Islamic groups that fund madrasas, communityhealth programs and so on?

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The lack of democracy in large parts of the Muslim world undoubtedly hasbeen a bane for women. But it is not just so-called 'failing states' thathave imposed a burden on women. Authoritarian states in the Muslim world,buttressed by the forces of freedom and democracy in the West, have in nouncertain way shackled women and denied them basic rights of citizenship.States can assist or oppress - one needs to break out of this for oragainst dichotomy in evaluating the role of the state. Madrasas too are ofvarious kinds. Some do deliver education and health care to disadvantagedsections of the populace, including women. Others have been turned intobreeding grounds for hatred, not just against non-Muslims but also againstinternal others. 

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There is a popular perception in India and in the West that Islam isresistant to change and to modernity. Do you agree with thisinterpretation? 

No. As Muhammad Iqbal put it in his reconstruction lectures, the 'principleof movement in the structure of Islam was ijtihad'. Any collectivity needsa core of principles to survive the flux of historical time. But eternalprinciples do not mean excluding any possibility of change to the point ofcomplete stagnation. In Iqbal's opinion, 'Europe's failure in political andsocial science' lay in its rejection of a permanent code of ethics whilethe 'immobility of Islam during the last five hundred years' was due to theincapacity of Muslims to keep pace with historical change'. One should notconfuse the historic failures of Muslims in different parts of the worldwith inherent flaws in the teachings of Islam.

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There is a reading of Islamic fundamentalism in the West which suggeststhat families are 'proud' of their children becoming martyrs. This readingsupports the Western assumption of irrationality in behaviour of familiesand societies in the Muslim world. Do you agree with this reading and itsimplications?

There is nothing irrational in a conception of martyrdom achieved in thecourse of a battle against oppression and injustice in the path of God.That is what the Quran teaches. But the teachings of the Quran cannot betaken out of context. It categorically does not glorify or raise to anyexalted position those who kill innocents. Forgiveness remains the morecherished value. Families are proud when one of their own makes the supremeself-sacrifice for a cause that is widely shared. Such a sentiment is nodifferent from the one which reveres martyrs who have died for the nation.

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(Ayesha Jalal is MacArthur Fellow/Professor of History at Tufts UniversityMedford, MA, USA)

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