ATAL Behari Vajpayee may be a formidable orator when critiquing the government, but when he finds himself in a Sitaram Kesri-like predicament he cuts an equally pathetic figure. Just that last agonising bit short of the finishing line, willy-nilly he casts himself in the "old man in a hurry" mould—full of urgency, even a touch of desperation. Which is exactly what happened at the February 2 rally by the BJP and its allies at Delhi's Ambedkar stadium.
"Certain mischievous elements are trying to project the rift between me and (BJP president) Advaniji, that he will be the prime minister immediately after elections," he blurted out. Making the situation curiouser, Advani avoided addressing the rally, but released the party manifesto the following day officially projecting Vajpayee as the party's prime ministerial candidate.
However, the BJP's official announcement that Vajpayee would be at the helm if it forms a government at the Centre had not scotched speculation on why he felt compelled to issue the clarification at the rally. "The fact that Vajpayee felt the need to contradict the rumour only proves that there is something to it," says Congress spokesperson V.N. Gadgil. Sure enough, next day the papers promptly took the cue with reports on the 'feud'.
BJP general secretary K.N. Govindacharya brushes away the brouhaha: "This controversy (the alleged rift between Vajpayee and Advani) has been floated by adversaries for the last 30 years. They can't comprehend the unity and solidarity in the BJP." Though, a high point in the 'dichotomy' in the party was supplied by Govindacharya himself when he famously described Vajpayee as a 'mukhota' (mask)—that he denied it later did not lessen the damage.
But it is increasingly being argued that Vajpayee's public testimony and the attendant media attention—coupled with the party manifesto—have reduced him to the figure of a helpless pawn. The message is clear: the BJP is seeking a mandate on its traditional issues and not a referendum on Vajpayee's prime ministerial candidature. That it is he who has to accept the Sangh-BJP line, not the other way round. As a party functionary declares: "As far as the BJP is concerned, Vajpayee is going to be the prime minister, should the party come to power. Now it is for Vajpayee not to let the Sangh down."
THE hardline manifesto—which talks of undiluted commitment to a Ram temple at Ayodhya, abrogation of Article 370, a ban on cow slaughter and formulation of a uniform civil code—is at variance with Vajpayee's assertion at public meetings that these issues would be bypassed by a more pragmatic common minimum programme in consultation with the party's allies.
In fact, many RSS hardliners saw a dangerous drift in Vajpayee's 'vote for me, make me PM' campaign—that it might amount to the Sangh playing second fiddle to an individual and that he might wield power in the party akin to the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty's charisma-driven hold over the Congress. Sangh ideologue K. Sudershan, who is in charge of its political division, held a closed-door meeting with senior full-timers at Surajkund and resorted to the extreme step of warning the BJP not to dilute its stand on Hindutva and related issues.
In an interview to Panchajanya —the Sangh's mouthpiece—immediately after the Surajkund meeting, Sudershan warned that any dilution on core issues would endanger the very existence of the BJP. He accordingly appreciated Advani's assurance that the BJP would not forsake its principles. Indeed, if Vajpayee is the projected face of the BJP, Advani is the hidden face—as subtly evidenced in the party manifesto, which had a portrait of Vajpayee on the front cover and one of the party chief on its back cover.
In fact, it was Advani who had unilaterally announced in October 1995 that Vajpayee would be prime minister if the BJP came to power. But he remains a committed votary of a hardline manifesto and a continued role for the Sangh in policy formulation even if it entails playing down the Vajpayee card. According to Sangh insiders, whenever Advani is in New Delhi, he frequents the Sangh office in Jhandewala and discusses policy and ideology. Vajpayee, on the other hand, is hardly ever seen there.
It is significant that Vajpayee, the most 'credible' face of the BJP, has met with failure whenever he's tried to dictate the agenda for the Sangh or the BJP. There are about 42,000 regular RSS shakhas, with an average of 100 participants in each, and the BJP depends on these volunteers for its grassroots organisation. Moreover,there are 134 RSS pracharaks (full-timers) engaged in the party organisation in crucial capacities and nearly 90 per cent of the 160-odd national executive members have an RSS background. And they consider Advani their leader. As a senior party functionary says: "Vajpayee might win a referendum in the country for prime ministership, but within the Sangh he would be a miserable loser." After all these years, the man remains a loner within his flock—with virtually no unambiguous support except from Rajasthan chief minister Bhairon Singh Shekhawat.
Other Sangh organisations too are not well-disposed towards Vajpayee. "Ask each of the candidates whether they are for Ayodhya, Kashi and Mathura being handed over to the Hindus and vote accordingly," is the advice offered to voters by Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) supremo Ashok Singhal, who is opposed to the Sangh supporting Vajpayee. Another Sangh ideologue working in the swadeshi and trade union front of the Sangh, Dattopanta Thengri, echoes the same, undiluted opposition to Vajpayee. But he is equally against the VHP's increased interest in BJP affairs.
Given this scheme of things, Advani's supremacy is undeniable. While he was forced by the Sangh to continue as party chief beyond the stipulated two terms, it is still not clear whether he would join a Vajpayee ministry. "It is for the party to decide," is all he would say at a press conference in Jaipur last week. But he is likely to relinquish the party presidentship at the National Council meeting to be held after elections. Here, Vajpayee's attempt to project Shekhawat, who does not have an RSS background, as party chief was vetoed by the Sangh, which prefers senior pracharak Kushabhao Thakre. And in Delhi, fearing that Vajpayee might compromise in his quest for power—almost a now-or-never situation for the 74-year-old aspirant—senior Sangh leader Nanaji Deshmukh called for a more principled approach, not a personal agenda.
All this has come as a blighter to Vajpayee's 'pragmatic approach' at a time when Sonia Gandhi is conducting a whirlwind electoral campaign. The Sangh agenda which has been incorporated in the BJP manifesto could checkmate Vajpayee's overtures to the Muslims—organising an iftar party at home and calling Urdu journalists for a briefing in his effort to project a 'friendly face'.
But Sudershan, in an oblique reference to the move to 'secularise' the BJP, argued that the "presence of Muslims inside does not mean that the party has become secular". A disheartened Vajpayee camp, which was angling for the minorities and confused Congress supporters, felt betrayed and gave up the move. To compound matters, Sonia seems to have stemmed the exodus of the floating Congress vote.
"Vajpayee is a spineless fellow. He cannot rebel.In fact, he is a boneless chicken to be eaten by Advani and Pramod Mahajan," says Janata Dal secretary general Bapu Kaldate, who otherwise shares a good personal rapport with Vajpayee.
As for Advani, it is not that he is hankering for the PM's slot or wants to stage a coup against Vajpayee, his friend since 1957. He is simply executing a delicate balancing act, given his respect and weakness for Vajpayee and an undiluted commitment to the Sangh. In other words, his 'feud' with Vajpayee stems merely from a political compulsion, not a personal clash of egos. Advani also seeks to give an impression that the BJP in a way is like the Congress, but with principles. "We are trying to prove that we are the true inheritor of all that Gandhi, C. Rajagopalachari, Sardar Patel and P.D. Tandon stood for," he told Outlook .
But if such assertions are an inducement for Congress MPs to cross over in the event of a hung Parliament, they may count for little with Sonia tightening her hold on the party. It is here that Vajpayee could play a key role. With his 'secular credentials', he enjoys a fair degree of acceptability among Congressmen. Accordingly, in post-manifesto election speeches, Vajpayee harps more on dynamism, principled alliances and an honest and transparent government. But if he wants to realise his prime ministerial ambitions, it seems he cannot stray far from the Sangh line.
