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Karnataka's Struggle With Social Justice, Representation and Rising Demands

Competing demands for rejigging of reservation subcategories are complicated by the desire to do more for the worst off.

Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah File photo
Summary
  • Siddaramaiah government faces competing social justice and representation demands.

  • Effort to placate numerically and politically dominant communities sets government on collision course with most deprived castes.

  • Sub-categorisation recommendations ignored, government charts own course, upsetting all sides.

Caste is haunting the Siddaramaiah government in Karnataka in an unusual way. Its decision to introduce sub-categorisation within Scheduled Caste reservations and to appoint a committee for a social and educational survey—pitched as part of a social justice agenda—has triggered a storm, with critics questioning the government’s very commitment to social justice.

Indeed, the Congress government in Karnataka is not only sub-classifying Dalit castes with its own formula, it is also bypassing the recommendations of the HN Nagamohandas Commission—the very panel the government had set up to examine the issue. The move sparked criticism that the government is pursuing a politically expedient path rather than one based on expert advice.

The government appointed the commission after the Supreme Court permitted the state governments to provide internal reservation within the Dalit community under the Scheduled Caste reservation quota.

According to the government estimate, 101 castes fall in the Scheduled Category in Karnataka. The one-man commission was asked to understand the socioeconomic status and recommend quotas for different sections clubbed together from these 101 individual castes. The commission suggested five groups and apportioned 17 per cent reservation among them. It also set aside one per cent for backwards Dalits, consisting of Nomadic Dalits, 5 per cent for Madiga agglomeration, 6 per cent for Holeya agglomeration, and four per cent for ‘touchable' Dalits and one per cent for the three communities identified themselves as Adi Dravida, Adi Karnataka, and Adi Andhra.

Madiga and Hoelya groups are also called ‘Left hand’ groups and ‘Right hand groups, respectively, in Karnataka.

The government, though it accepted the report, made its own classification for the reservation within the Scheduled Castes. It decided to have three sub-sections rather than five as suggested by the commission. The 17 per cent reservation was divided by apportioning 6 per cent each to the Holeya and Madiga groups, and 5 per cent for the 'touchable' Dalit castes and the nomadic Dalit communities.

“If the government already had its own mechanism for sub-classification, why appoint a committee in the first place?” asks political commentator BS Arun. He said that notwithstanding the rhetoric around social justice, Chief Minister Siddaramaiah is equally guided by political expediency. This is a reference to the common knowledge in Karnataka that there are two dominant Dalit blocs—the Left and the Right groups—are numerically strong and politically influential, making it impossible for him to ignore their demands.

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The clubbing of the most deprived groups within the Dalit community with the more “touchable” Dalit castes has sparked protests across Karnataka. The nomadic Dalit groups, in particular, have taken to the streets, demanding a separate one per cent quota and opposing what they see as a dilution of the Nagamohandas Commission report. Earlier, these communities had been pressing for as much as three per cent reservation.

Even as the agitation continues, some experts point out that the Nagamohandas report itself is not without flaws. However, they argue that the government’s decision to brush aside even those recommendations amounts to undermining the very principle of social justice.

Dr CS Dwarakanath, former Chairman of the Karnataka State Commission for Backward Classes, has raised methodological concerns about the Nagamohandas Commission report while also questioning the political will of the Siddaramaiah government. Speaking to Outlook, he argued that the Commission relied too heavily on population figures and failed to factor in other crucial indicators such as political and bureaucratic representation.

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“The Commission did not source data from the Karnataka State Public Service Commission. Had it done so, it would have realised the extent of deprivation faced by the nomadic Dalit communities. Reservation based on population alone cannot deliver justice,” he said.

But Dwarakanath believes the government’s bigger failure lies in ignoring demands for political representation. “They don’t have representation even at the panchayat level. The government should have at least accepted the recommendation and earmarked one per cent reservation for them. Instead, social justice took a back seat while political expediency prevailed. By giving a short shrift to the needs of the most deprived classes, the Congress government has acted against its own declared policy,” he added.

Arun points out why the Congress party is not ready to antagonise the numerically powerful Dalit groups: “In the 2023 assembly election, Congress won 21 of the 36 SC reserved seats, while BJP could win only 12; Congress swept the ST seats, winning 14 of the 15 seats. In the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, while Congress and NDA won two SC seats each, Congress won both the ST seats,” he tells.

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The Karnataka Congress Party, however, defended the decision, saying it is moving in the right direction in its commitment to social justice. “The government has to take into account all factors, including the population count of the different communities. The party will ensure that no section is left out when the recruitments are made. Necessary arrangements for this will be taken,” a Congress MLA, who belongs to the Dalit community, says on condition of anonymity. He, however, did not specify what steps the government will take to ensure that the most depressed are not left out.

“The politically powerful group within the Dalit community are the ‘Left and Right’ Dalit communities. They are politically strong. Leaders like Mallikarjun Kharge and ministers like G Parameswara belong to these groups. So the government wants to appease them. That is why they have decided to merge the nomadic Dalits with others,” says LN Lingappa, former Member of Karnataka State Commission for Backward Classes and member of the H Kantharaj Commission that conducted Socio-Economic and Education Survey. He points out the fate of  2015 Socio-Economic Education Survey report. 

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Lingappa tells Outlook that because the findings of the survey report went against the powerful Lingayat and Vokkaliga communities, the government was forced to withhold the report. According to the report, which Lingappa claims was conducted in a scientific manner, the Lingayat and Vokkaliga communities were disproportionately represented in government services. He says, now with the backward commission report as well, the government is succumbing to the pressure of the powerful groups within the Dalit communities.

As the controversy surrounding the Nagamohandas report on sub-classification persists, the government has announced another socio-educational survey, which is scheduled to begin on the 22nd of this month. The Backward Commission has already published castes and sub castes among different communities. The sub-classification of castes among different communities has already created a political storm. Several caste groups have demanded that all sub-castes be brought together under a single identity.

The Akhila Karnataka Brahmana Mahasabha has urged the Commission to bring all Brahmin sub-castes under a single category rather than keeping them under sub-categories. They have submitted a list of 64 Brahmin sub-sects that should be brought under a single caste. The Vokkaliga Sangha has made a similar demand.

Siddaramaiah now finds himself caught between the devil and the deep sea. His own rhetoric on social justice has emboldened the most marginalised groups to demand proportional representation in government services. Yet political expediency pushes him to placate the numerically and politically dominant communities—setting him on a collision course with the most deprived castes.

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