In ‘Progressive’ Keralam, Women Still Don’t 'Hold Up Half The Sky’

Muslim women in Indian politics navigate a treacherous landscape, shaped by patriarchy, religious orthodoxy, and systemic exclusion. Yet, against daunting odds, only 18 have secured seats in the Lok Sabha since 1952,” note Rasheed Kidwai and Ambar Kumar Ghosh in their 2025 book Missing from the House: Muslim Women in the Lok Sabha. Their work lays bare a persistent and uncomfortable truth: that one of the largest minority groups in India remains almost invisible in the country’s highest legislative body—not merely due to social constraints, but also because of the structural indifference of political parties.

The book’s findings challenge the rhetorical commitment to representation that most political formations publicly espouse. Parties across the ideological spectrum have often invoked inclusivity and diversity, yet their candidate selection processes reveal a different reality. Muslim women, situated at the intersection of gender and religious marginality, find themselves doubly disadvantaged—overlooked not only within the broader political system but also within their own communities, where entrenched patriarchal norms frequently circumscribe public participation.

However, this phenomenon is neither confined to the national stage nor exclusive to Muslim women. Women’s political representation across India remains strikingly low, revealing a deeper, systemic reluctance to redistribute power. Despite decades of democratic consolidation and repeated debates on gender equity, legislative bodies at both the national and state levels continue to be overwhelmingly male-dominated.

The paradox becomes even more pronounced in states like Keralam. Widely celebrated for its high literacy rates, progressive social indicators, and relatively advanced human development metrics, Keralam presents a puzzling contradiction. Women constitute more than half of the state’s population, and Muslim women, in particular, have made significant strides in education and social mobility over the past decades. Yet, this transformation has not translated into proportional political representation. Electoral politics in the state remains firmly controlled by male-dominated party structures, where candidacies are often determined by considerations of winnability, factional balance, and entrenched networks of influence—spaces where women, especially Muslim women, struggle to gain a foothold.

“Though every major political party has its own women’s wing—the All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA) of the CPI(M) and the Mahila Congress of the Congress are among the strongest—when it comes to raising substantive questions of representation, these organisations often fall short, or are deliberately silenced,” says Sulfath, General Convenor of the Equal Representation Movement, a platform advocating greater inclusion of women in democratic institutions.

Her critique points to a deeper contradiction within party structures: while women’s wings are visible and organisationally active, their influence over key decisions—particularly candidate selection and power-sharing—remains limited. As a result, their role is often confined to mobilisation rather than meaningful political intervention.

Keralam’s own political history reflects this paradox. In the state’s first Legislative Assembly, constituted after its formation in 1956, there were six women members. Among them was O. Aisha Beevi, a representative of the Communist Party and the only Muslim woman in that Assembly. She went on to become the first Deputy Speaker—arguably one of the earliest instances of a Muslim woman occupying such a high constitutional position in the country.

Yet, this early breakthrough did not translate into a sustained trajectory of inclusion. Over the decades, both women’s representation in general and Muslim women’s representation in particular have failed to register any significant or consistent improvement. The initial promise of progressive politics, especially in a state often held up as a model of social development, has remained largely unfulfilled in the domain of political representation.

Keralam, where women constitute nearly 52 per cent of the population, presents a striking paradox when it comes to political representation. Despite favourable social indicators, women’s presence in the State Assembly has remained abysmally. The numbers tell a story of stagnation rather than progress: from six women members in the first Assembly in 1957 to only 11 in 2025. At no point in the state’s history has women’s representation crossed the 10 per cent mark, underscoring the deep structural barriers that continue to limit their entry into electoral politics.

This underrepresentation persists despite significant institutional interventions at the grassroots level. In Keralam, 50 per cent of seats in local self-government bodies are reserved for women. However, more than a decade after the state implemented this policy, its impact has not translated into higher representation in the Assembly. Political parties, activists argue, have failed to carry forward this momentum into higher levels of governance.

“During elections, we meet leaders of all political parties, and they agree with our demands. But when the candidate lists are released, nothing changes. This time as well, no major political party has given adequate tickets to women,” says Sulfath. Her observation highlights a familiar pattern—symbolic acceptance of gender parity in principle, but resistance in practice when it comes to sharing electoral power.

Amid this broader landscape of exclusion, one development this election cycle has drawn attention. The Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), the second-largest constituent of the Congress-led United Democratic Front, has for the first time in its history fielded two women candidates. “Though this is far from enough, it does signal a change,” says Dr. Khadeeja Mumtaz, writer and commentator.

Notably, one of the candidates fielded by the IUML belongs to the Dalit community, adding another layer to the conversation on representation. While the move is being seen as a cautious step forward, it also underscores how incremental and overdue such shifts have been in a state that otherwise prides itself on progressive social development.

The IUML, often seen as being influenced by conservative strands within Muslim society, has never had a woman MLA in its history. This makes its recent decision to field women candidates all the more significant, even if it is viewed as a cautious and compelled shift rather than a transformative one.

“There is a slight change in the approach,” says a woman worker of the Muslim League, requesting anonymity. “Now, even if out of compulsion, the party is willing to field women candidates. This is something we have achieved through relentless efforts,” she adds, pointing to sustained internal pressure from women within the organisation.

For Muslim women in Keralam, however, the barriers remain layered and complex. Beyond the broader issue of gender bias in politics, they must also navigate intra-community conservatism, limited access to political networks, and the reluctance of parties—including those claiming to represent minority interests—to field them in winnable constituencies. The result is a persistent exclusion that operates at multiple levels, making political entry not just difficult, but structurally constrained.

Sulfath says her organisation has decided to adopt a tactical voting strategy in response to the lack of women candidates. “In constituencies where there are no women candidates from either the LDF or the Congress led -UDF, we have decided to opt for NOTA,” she says. “Wherever there is a woman candidate—whether from the Left front or the Congress-led front—we will support her.”

At the same time, she makes it clear that this position does not extend to all parties. “We are not for the BJP, as we believe they are ideologically patriarchal,” she adds.

The representation of women candidates across Keralam’s three major alliances—the LDF, the UDF, and the NDA—stood at around 15 per cent in the 2021 Assembly elections. With candidate lists for the 2026 election now almost finalised, there appears to be little to no change in this trend, pointing to a continued reluctance among political parties to expand women’s participation in electoral politics.

A comparison with other states further highlights Keralam’s lag. Chhattisgarh has recorded one of the highest proportions of women legislators, with 19 women MLAs, while in West Bengal, the ruling All India Trinamool Congress has fielded as many as 52 women candidates across 294 Assembly constituencies—an assertive push towards greater gender inclusion.

For Keralam, however, a state that often prides itself on its achievements in gender equality and social development, equitable political representation remains a distant goal. The gap between its progressive image and political reality suggests that meaningful change is still a long way off.  The famous maxim of late Chinese leader Mao Zedong—that women hold up half the sky—has found little resonance within the corridors of political parties in the state