The state’s election discourse has shifted from development to divisive rhetoric, with BJP leaders — including Giriraj Singh, Nityanand Rai, and Amit Shah — making remarks that target religious and caste groups, invoking “infiltrators” and questioning loyalties of Muslim voters.
The Economic Offences Unit (EOU) of Bihar Police has registered 21 FIRs against 25 social media handles, including those linked to major parties, for spreading inflammatory or AI-generated content. Over 180 objectionable posts and links have been removed following official action.
Despite legal prohibitions under the Representation of the People Act against appeals to religion or caste, enforcement remains weak. Observers warn that Bihar’s elections risk being defined more by hate and misinformation than by policy or progress.
Hate Speech Surges In Bihar Polls: The Return Of Communal And Caste Divides In Campaign Rhetoric
Bihar has seen this before. From “Bhoora baal saaf karo” chants during the 1990s to communal sloganeering in the 2020 polls, the state’s electoral history is dotted with appeals to caste pride and religious division.
As Bihar’s 2025 Assembly election campaign gains ferocity, a troubling pattern has emerged in the state’s political discourse. The state’s political discourse has shifted dramatically. Hate speech, once a subtext in election rhetoric, has moved to centre stage, amplified by rallies, social media and official campaign material. The language of development and governance has been steadily replaced by insinuations about religion, caste and “infiltrators”, prompting alarm among civil society groups and election observers.
At a rally in Arwal, Union Minister and Begusarai MP Giriraj Singh declared that he “does not need the votes of the namak haraam (the ungrateful)”, recounting an encounter with a cleric who allegedly accepted government benefits but refused to pledge loyalty. His remark, critics said, sought to draw a moral line between “grateful citizens” and those perceived as disloyal, an insinuation that echoed far beyond its immediate audience.
The BJP’s rhetoric did not stop there. Soon after, the party’s Bihar leadership asked the Election Commission to verify the identities of women wearing burqas by matching their faces with voter ID photos, alleging the possibility of “non-genuine votes”. Opposition parties condemned the move as a “political conspiracy to intimidate Muslim women voters”.
On 19 October, the BJP’s official X account posted an insulting graphic showing a bus supposedly belonging to the RJD and Congress, carrying Muslims labelled as “infiltrators”. The caption read, “Congress and RJD's ‘Infiltrator Express’ is now heading towards Bihar”. It showed Muslim passengers and a goat, an image critics said reduced an entire community to caricature.
In Darbhanga, Minister of State for Home Affairs Nityanand Rai told a gathering that he wished only “to be born as a Hindu” and condemned those “running slaughterhouses”. He went on to invoke a familiar refrain: “Those who wear reshmi salwar and topi, the jaliwale, who promote slaughter—no matter which party they belong to, if they go against the Gita’s message, they incur sin. Some people want to bring in foreign ghuspaithiye (infiltrators) and take away the livelihoods of Bihar’s youth. Tejashwi, no matter how hard you try, you cannot include Bangladeshi and Rohingya infiltrators in the voter list to destroy Bihar’s demography.”
In a recent report, the Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP), a hate watchdog group, documented a clear pattern of remarks by BJP leaders targeting religious and caste communities. It described Singh’s “namak haraam” comment as an attempt to define citizenship through partisan loyalty, a line that blurs the distinction between welfare recipients and political supporters.
Hate speech and commentary did not stop there. At a media event in Patna, Home Minister Amit Shah added to the chorus, questioning whether “ghuspaithiye” should decide Bihar’s next government. When asked whether his remarks risked polarisation, Shah retorted: “I am only saying infiltrator. Where have I said Hindu or Muslim infiltrator? But if the infiltrator is Muslim, should they be permitted to stay? Who is polarising them, us, or those who defend them?”
Observers say the pattern is unmistakable. Each comment reinforces a climate of suspicion, where identity determines allegiance. The “infiltrator” trope long used as a dog whistle in northern India’s electoral politics has found renewed potency in Bihar’s battleground districts. And with social media turning every slogan into a shareable meme, the cycle of outrage and amplification grows ever shorter.
Police’s Lacklusture Work
Economic Offences Unit (EOU) of Bihar Police, the nodal agency for handling cybercrime cases, has lodged at least 21 FIRs against 25 social media handles, including those of major political parties RJD, BJP and Congress, for allegedly posting “inflammatory content” and “spreading hatred along religious and caste lines” amid ongoing poll campaign. DIG Manavjit Singh Dhillon of EOU, addressing a presser on Wednesday, said a special cell was formed to monitor social media activities during the poll period. “Any verified objectionable or rumour-spreading content is immediately reported to the respective platforms,” he said.
Among the 21 FIRs, six were lodged specifically against AI-generated videos & deepfakes aimed at disrupting the election process. A separate FIR was filed against four YouTube channels for broadcasting songs that spread fear, enmity and hatred among communities. Action was taken against 17 such video links, with takedown requests sent to the platforms.
So far, notices issued to intermediaries like X, Facebook, Instagram and YouTube have led to removal, locking or takedown of 184 objectionable posts, handles & links, the officer added. The DIG said the handles repeatedly posting objectionable material are on a watch list and legal blocking action.
Hate Speech In Bihar
Bihar has seen this before. From “Bhoora baal saaf karo” chants in the 1990s to communal sloganeering in the 2020 polls, the state’s electoral history is dotted with appeals to caste pride and religious division. What has changed this time is the scale and speed of dissemination. The digital campaign infrastructure — WhatsApp forwards, AI-generated posters and algorithmic micro-targeting — ensures that divisive content spreads faster than the Election Commission can react. Yet, despite multiple attempts, these campaigns have not fully polarised the state in the way seen in several northern states.
Election law explicitly prohibits such tactics. Under Sections 123(3) and 123(3A) of the Representation of the People Act 1951, candidates are barred from appealing to religion, caste or community for votes, or from promoting enmity between groups. Yet enforcement remains an uphill battle. The Election Commission has issued advisories, and state police have warned against caste-provocative songs and graphics, but in the digital battlefield, accountability blurs with anonymity.
As polling day approaches, the real test may lie not in which party wins, but in whether Bihar’s democracy can withstand another season of division. For now, amid the slogans and the hashtags, the state’s electoral theatre seems to be speaking a language less of progress and more of prejudice.