Para's Proposal For J&K’s Fresh Reorganisation Stirs Political Row

Summary of this article

• PDP MLA Waheed Para has given notice to the Legislative Assembly to move the Reorganisation Bill, 2026, in the ongoing assembly session, seeking the creation of more divisions and districts in Jammu and Kashmir.

• The bill seeks to create two new divisions in the Peer Panjal and the Chenab regions of Jammu, where Muslims live in sizeable numbers

• The bill has, however, drawn a sharp political reaction with the NC saying that it was moved by the floundering PDP to seek public attention

On August 5, 2019, when security forces were deployed in heavy numbers in Kashmir, and internet and phone services were suspended, it was the first time a state was downgraded to a Union Territory in India. The Central government termed it as reorganisation, but politicians in Kashmir felt a sense of betrayal. Many of them were arrested and the size of the state reduced, with Ladakh becoming a separate Union Territory.  

Now, over six years later, there are many takers for redrawing the boundaries of administrative units in the UT, as the political leaders have a rare consensus that both Hindus and Muslims have faced discrimination depending on which party one belongs to. For the BJP, it is the Hindus who have faced discrimination even in the elected governments of Muslim chief ministers, and for NC and PDP, it is the Muslims who have faced neglect on the developmental front.

Despite the unanimity about political neglect of Muslims between the NC and PDP, which have rotated power in Jammu and Kashmir for the last twenty-four years, scoring the brownie points could still decide both the timing and roadmap for the fresh reorganization of the UT.

New Delhi’s point man in Kashmir, Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha, for now has no issues with the creation of more administrative units and has cleared a bill by PDP leader Waheed-ur-Rehman Para to create two more divisions in the Union Territory, as well as additional districts in two regions of Jammu and Kashmir. Waheed has given notice to the Legislative Assembly to move the Jammu and Kashmir Territorial Administrative Reorganisation Bill, 2026, in the ongoing assembly session. “It will be an answer to the reorganisation of Jammu and Kashmir, which was done on August 5, 2019. We can do this, our assembly is empowered to do this, and this will be justice to the Muslims of Chenab Valley and Pir Panjal region,” says Para. 

As of now, there are two divisions in the UT with the Divisional Commissioners sitting in Srinagar and Jammu, which are capitals in summer and winter respectively, a reminiscence of the feudal era rule of Dogras who moved between Kashmir and Jammu to govern the erstwhile state.  The regions of Chenab and Pir Panjal have respectively derived their names from the presence of the Chenab River and the Pir Panjal mountains, which is part of the Himalayan range.

Para has sought the divisions for the Chenab and Pir Panjal regions, which have a significant Muslim population and hill districts too. The other districts proposed in the bill are Tral–Awantipora Hill District, Ashmuqam–Pahalgam Hill District, Beerwah District, Sopore District, Handwara District, Gurez District, Tangdhar–Karnah Hill District, and Norabad Hill District in the Kashmir division. In the Jammu division, the proposed new districts are Nowshera Hill District, Bhaderwah Hill District, Banihal Hill District, Thatri Hill District, Akhnoor Hill District, Billawar Hill District, Kotranka Hill District, and Mendhar Hill District.

However, some leaders in the BJP are not convinced that the new measure was aimed at what the bill describes as “rationalisation”.  BJP chief spokesperson, Sunil Sethi, says that the bill will incite people and would only vitiate the peaceful atmosphere in Jammu and Kashmir. “The bill is basically a blueprint for Greater Kashmir and to sow divisions in the Jammu region. It will incite Muslims against Hindus only,” he says.

Apart from larger politics over the issue of the Hind-Muslim divide, BJP leaders in Jammu have felt a sense of pride in being part of the princely state of the Dogra rulers and have viewed the Jammu region, including Chenab and Pir Panjal, as a single unit that shares a common Dogra culture.

However, a few party leaders of the BJP have earlier underscored the need for fresh reorganisation, seeking the creation of a separate state for the Jammu region, citing that the Hindus have often faced neglect in political representation. BJP leader Sham Lal Sharma, who earlier sought that Jammu should get statehood, has supported the creation of one more division for the Udhampur and Reasi districts.

On the contrary, the Reorganisation Bill has cited the large geographical areas, mountainous terrain, and regional imbalance to have “adversely affected administrative efficiency and public service delivery in the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir.”

“The absence of a comprehensive statutory framework has resulted in ad-hoc executive reorganisation. This Private Member Bill seeks to provide a transparent, consultative and legislative mechanism for the creation of new administrative units, including the establishment of Chenab and Pir Panjal Divisions, to ensure decentralised governance, equitable development and accessible administration,” it adds.

Para has said that for the creation of new administrative units, the government should “consult the concerned District Development Councils, and invite objections and suggestions from the public in the prescribed manner.” “A statement of reasons shall be placed before the Legislative Assembly,” notes the Reorganisation Bill.

Sethi, however, says apart from “being a political gimmickry,” the implementation of the proposed law would be difficult due to the requirement of large sums of money to create staff and infrastructure for the new divisions and districts.

“New districts and  divisions will require a lot of manpower, and the government would have to appoint fresh staff for this. We depend on the Central government for funding, and where will the money come from for this?” he asks.

However, the Reorganisation Bill notes that the creation of new administrative units “doesn’t require any immediate or direct financial liability.”

“The Bill does not involve the appropriation of any money out of the Consolidated Fund of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir. The creation of new administrative divisions, districts, sub-divisions and tehsils under the Bill is enabling in nature and shall be operationalised only through notifications issued by the government from time to time. Any expenditure arising out of such notifications, including expenditure on infrastructure, personnel, or administrative arrangements, shall be met from existing budgetary provisions or through future budgetary allocations as approved by the Legislative Assembly in the normal course. Accordingly, the Bill does not entail any immediate or direct financial liability,” it says.

On the face of it, the proposed law seems to suggest to the government how to govern better, but this is one piece of legislation that the NC sees could help boost the electoral prospects of the PDP.

National Conference spokesperson, Imran Nabi Dar, however, says that Para was trying to play to the gallery. “First of all, the PDP doesn’t have the required numbers in the assembly to bring a law. We as a party are committed towards empowering the regions of Chenab and Pir Panjal in Jammu, and this bill is a ploy to sabotage that. As part of our internal autonomy proposal, we stand committed towards the decentralisation of powers for different regions,” he says.

In the past, the creation of new districts and tehsils has been seen as an improvement in governance, but the deep polarisation, rather than promises of better development, have had a major influence on the outcome of the elections in Jammu and Kashmir. Like, for example, the 2024 assembly election verdict was more of a reflection of anger expressed by people against the revocation of Article 370, which helped Omar Abdullah, to come to power as the first  chief minister of the UT.

Last time, eight new districts were created in 2006, during the tenure of Ghulam Nabi Azad, as chief minister, which took the total number of districts in the erstwhile state to 22.

Imran, however, says that when Omar was in power as the state's CM, he had sought the creation of more districts, and when he lost the polls in the 2014 elections, the new PDP-BJP government stonewalled such proposals. “We gave hill councils and created tehsils and naibats as well,” says the NC spokesperson.

Former Minister and People’s Democratic Front chairman, Hakeem Yaseen, however, says that there was a need to improve the infrastructure and manpower of the districts, which have been created in 2006, before new administrative units are announced. “There could be a requirement for fresh tehsils and naibats, but we need to improve the existing manpower and infrastructure of already created districts,” he says.

The political divide primarily on who takes the credit for fresh re-organsiation could  even influence the prospects of the  Reorganisation Bill in the legislative assembly.

Legal expert, Advocate H C Jalmeria, says that it was rare that private members' bills are passed in the legislative assembly. “It is mostly the bills that are moved by the government that get passed in the assembly as the ruling party can muster the numbers,” he says.