The Committee is pleased to welcome back Ambassador Frank Wisner, ExecutiveVice President for External Relations of the AIG Insurance Group and a formerAmbassador to India. Ambassador Wisner recently co-chaired an Independent TaskForce sponsored by the Council on Foreign Relations and the Asia Society, whichproduced a comprehensive study: New Priorities in South Asia: U.S. Policy TowardIndia, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Ambassador, we look forward to learning more aboutthis study.
We also welcome Dr. Stephen Cohen, a Senior Fellow at the BrookingsInstitution, and Mr. Michael Krepon, founding President of the Henry L. Stimson Centerand Project Director for the Center’s South Asia program. Each has made substantialcontributions to U.S. foreign policy and analysis of South Asia. The Committee isdelighted to draw on the expertise of our three distinguished witnesses as we consider theprospects for rapprochement between India and Pakistan.
This hearing comes at a hopeful time in India-Pakistan relations. Pakistan’sPresident Musharraf and India’s Prime Minister Vajpayee agreed earlier this month toopen a dialogue on all of the bilateral issues between their countries. At the recent SouthAsian Regional Cooperation Summit, they also moved forward, along with theirneighbors, on an important regional free trade agreement and signed a protocol onfighting terrorism.
Only Pakistan and India can resolve the issues between them. Yet, it is moreimportant than ever that the United States sustain active engagement in South Asia toencourage continuation of this positive momentum. We have seen opportunities forpeace squandered in South Asia in recent years. To ensure success, it is crucial that bothparties prevent extremists from disrupting the process.
Stability in this troubled region is vital to U.S. national interests, both because anIndo-Pakistani conflict could escalate into nuclear war and because of the potential nexusbetween terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. Hostility between India andPakistan boosts Islamic extremists in the region, and provides them fertile ground forterrorist recruitment. Greater instability also means that nuclear weapons could fall intothe wrong hands. A stable South Asia in which Pakistan and India engage each other willeventually weaken the extremists. It will allow both countries to focus more time,energy, and resources on building better lives for their people.
U.S. diplomacy in South Asia has already paid off by helping to avert a possiblenuclear war in 2002. India and Pakistan have taken positive steps since that time,including resumption of transport links, restoration of diplomatic ties, andimplementation of a ceasefire along the Line of Control. They also have agreed to starttechnical level talks on re-launching bus service between the capitals of the two portionsof Kashmir, which would allow families to reunite for the first time in decades.
Despite this promising atmosphere, normalization will take time and will requireboth sides to make difficult political decisions on matters of long-standing dispute. Wehave seen hopeful examples already. President Musharraf has said that Islamabad iswilling to consider giving up its traditional demand for a plebiscite to resolve the status ofKashmir, as along as India is willing to show reciprocal flexibility. For his part, PrimeMinister Vajpayee has conceded that India is willing to discuss all the issues relating toKashmir.
The two leaders deserve praise for these bold moves. But we must recognize thatthey also face the opposition of entrenched interests and hawks in their own countrieswho will try to undermine or complicate these diplomatic openings. Twice in December,President Musharraf was the target of assassination attempts.
The United States can contribute to the easing of tensions and advance its ownnational security interests by exploring ways to assist both sides with nuclear security.As Ambassador Wisner’s Independent Task Force report recommends, we should seeknew ways to bring India and Pakistan into the global nonproliferation system. We shouldencourage Indo-Pakistani nuclear discussions and confidence building measures and theAdministration’s recent expansion of our non-proliferation dialogues with each side. TheUnited States has considerable expertise in nuclear threat reduction. We should use this,consistent with our international obligations, to facilitate exchanges between Pakistaniand Indian security experts and offer them assistance on tightening export controls andborder security, and the protection, control and accounting of nuclear stockpiles andarsenals.
The U.S. must remain vigilant, especially in light of recent reports that Pakistaniscientists, with or without government approval, may have supplied Iran, Libya, andNorth Korea with nuclear technology and materials. Pakistan must demonstrate, throughdeeds not words, that it is serious about its commitment to preventing weaponsproliferation and its ability to secure its nuclear weapons. As President Bush goesforward with discussions about the $3 billion in aid proposed for Pakistan, Congressshould be fully cognizant of Pakistan’s actions in this area.
India also must do its part. Indo-U.S. relations have made remarkable strides inthe past four years, as shown this month by the United States’ unprecedented offer onhigh-tech cooperation, including nuclear energy and missile defense. We should makeclear to New Delhi that such progress can continue only if it works to ease tensions inKashmir and build confidence among the Muslims there.
India and Pakistan have often seemed far away. But problems that start on theSubcontinent can have serious consequences for the United States. The stakes in SouthAsia have become too high to risk a return to military confrontation or creation of newsources of Islamic extremism.
We look forward to hearing our witnesses’ recommendations for advancing U.S.national security interests in this important region.
Advertisement
Transcript courtesy, USCFR
