Column | Meenakshi Jain on Left and non-Left Historians and Whose History It Is

Most debates on history-writing in independent India have focused on the conflicting views of what are called Left and non-Left historians. This binary approach, besides simplifying complex historical issues, also overlooks the many ways in which Left historiography was a continuation of the British colonial views of India’s past. Imperialist historian John Strachey was among the first to argue that India owed its unity to the British. He declared “there is not, and never was an India, or even any country of India possessing, according to European ideas, any sort of unity, physical, political, social, or religious; no Indian nation, no ‘people of India,’ of which we hear so much.”

Strachey’s opinions were strongly refuted by Indian scholars of the late 19th and early 20th century, most famously by Radha Kumud Mukherjee in his The Fundamental Unity of India. Other historians like A.S. Altekar, K.P. Jaiswal and V.V. Mirashi, to name a few, presented exhaustive studies of ancient Indian intellectual and cultural history as a counter to Strachey’s argument that it was the British who unified India and gave her modern institutions. Surprisingly, in independent India, the Left school of historiography has reiterated the view of British colonial administrator-scholars. In the view of Left historians, Indian civilisation from the outset denied due space to the feminine principle, it consisted of mutually antagonistic religious sects and groups; and lacked participation of substantial sections of society. Though research has challenged these views, it is mostly missing from the Left narrative.

The history of the subcontinent is replete with evidence of the sanctity of the feminine principle; as also inclusivity and continuity of ancient customs and traditions. The earliest evidence of the worship of the female principle found so far dates to the late Upper Palaeolithic period (c. 9,000–8,000 BCE). It comes from the site of Baghor I (Sidhi district, Madhya Pradesh). Archaeologists excavating the site have argued the strong probability that the shrine represented worship of the goddess or the female principle, Shakti. They noted that the practice has continued almost unchanged in the region from the final stage of the Upper Palaeolithic till today.

Evidence of indigenous cultural continuity persists in the first civilisation of the subcontinent, popularly known as the Indus/Saraswati civilisation. The Siva-Pasupati seal found at Mohenjodaro in 1928-29, has been identified by several scholars as a prototype of the historic Siva. Among its distinctive features is its trimukha (three-faced), distinctive yoga-like posture and the surrounding animals, a notable trait of Pasupati (lord of animals)—all associated with Siva.

The wide prevalence of female deities at Indus/Saraswati sites, attested by figurines and seals found at Harappan sites, also resonate in subsequent forms of worship. There are many other cases of continuity from the times of Indus/Saraswati civilisation such as fire-altars and tree-worship. Several Left historians deny the evidence of this continuity.

Epigraphic evidence shows the participation of wide sections of society in the construction and sponsorship of sacred structures and images. At Kankali Tila, Mathura, for instance, Jain sculpted slabs known as ayagapatas (homage tablets), were set up almost entirely by women. The earliest statue of goddess Sarasvati found so far, dated 132 CE, was donated by a metal worker as stated in an inscription on the statue’s pedestal.

Short donative inscriptions at three Buddhist stupas at Bhattiprolu (3rd–1st century BCE), Amaravati (3rd century BCE–250 CE) and Jagayyapeta (200 BCE), reveal that besides warriors, merchants, monks and nuns, the donors included heranikas (goldsmiths) and chammakaras (leather workers).

At the Sanchi stupa, 631 donative inscriptions, representing some 1,000 individual patrons, were found. Only three mentioned royalty. The largest single group of sponsors, 200 in all, were bhikkhu (monks) and bhikkuni (nuns). The remaining inscriptions documented sponsorship from diverse groups, including householders, housewives, merchants, bankers, troopers and weavers. Sacred caves in western India were excavated largely from gifts by goldsmiths, jewellers, ironmakers, bankers, merchants, physicians, gardeners, fishermen and monks and nuns. At the Nashik caves (Pandavleni caves), there was evidence of royal involvement in the construction of only two of the 23 caves carved between 1st century BCE and 1st century CE. At Kanheri (outskirts of Mumbai, 1st century to 10th century CE), one cave was gifted by a merchant from Kalyan; another by a jeweller from Sopara; a goldsmith from Kalyan donated a water cistern and a nun from Dhenukakata gave a cave and a cistern.

At Junnar, inscriptions in Brahmi of the 2nd century CE, recorded gifts by ordinary people, including a coppersmith, a nun and the owner of a vacheduka (two-wheel cart) who ferried people to and fro. These inscriptions revealed that common people made the highest bids and were given precedence to participate in the construction of the chaitya. Similar evidence can be seen at other caves in western India.

Not a single image of the Buddha discovered in Mathura was a royal donation; nor was royalty connected with the contemporary Jain images recovered from Kankali Tila. The Katra Buddha, a masterpiece of Kushan art in Mathura, was commissioned by Amoha-asi, mother of Buddharakhita (either a bhikshu or an upasaka), and set up in her own svake vihara for the welfare of all.

The culture of images developed almost simultaneously in Jainism, Buddhism and Hinduism, in ancient Mathura. Craftspersons made images for all religious communities. At most sacred sites, shrines of Jains, Buddhists and Hindus were built alongside; for example, in Udayagiri and Deogarh. The evidence of antiquity, continuity and inclusivity of the civilisational heritage is mostly denied by Left historiography which presents a patriarchal, oppressive and fragmented narrative of the Indian past. The distortions of the medieval era in Indian history are also considerable. In that case, the advent of an outside faith is hailed as a civilising force, and its impact on the indigenous culture and civilisation largely glossed over.

(Views expressed are personal)

Meenakshi Jain rajya sabha member historian and scholar

(This story appeared in Outlook magazine’s August 31 issue, 'Whose Idea of India?', in which India’s noted public intellectuals, policymakers, cultural practitioners, political leaders, scholars and economists write in detail about the idea of India they believe can best secure the nation’s future as we celebrate 80 years of independence.)