Dear colleagues,
I am pleased to welcome you all to this important and the first meeting of the newly constituted NationalExecutive in Mumbai. We are meeting for the first time after the elections to the 14th Lok Sabha. The verdictof the people has gone against our expectations - indeed, against everybody's expectations, including thosewho are in government now.
Naturally, our party has to introspect at all levels on why we could not succeed in retaining the mandateof the people. We had the finest leadership. The performance of the NDA government, under the able leadershipof Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee, was good. Our government took the country forward impressively during its sixyears in office. The development it achieved, and the many developmental initiatives it launched, will go downin history. Yet, our performance fell way below our expectations. It is necessary to conduct a comprehensive,in-depth and objective analysis of the election results and pinpoint the factors that contributed to thissetback.
Advertisement
The Parliamentary Board of the Party, which met in Delhi two days ago, has taken a decision to entrust thisresponsibility to a small committee. I shall, at the end of this Executive, announce the names of the membersof this Committee.
Three principles of introspection
I must point out that the BJP has a distinctive culture of introspection and analysis, which every functionaryof the party should understand. I would like to point out three guiding principles for conducting thisexercise.
1. Our approach to introspection and analysis should always be positive and constructive. In other words,analysis cannot be only for finding out what went wrong; rather, its principal purpose should to enable us toovercome the shortcomings and forge ahead with greater confidence and resolve.
2. Our party does not believe in blame game and finger-pointing. Unlike most parties in the Indian politicalsystem, the BJP is not a personality-based party. We believe in the principle of collective responsibility -both in victory and in defeat.
3. Collective responsibility, however, does not preclude the need for individual accountability. Each one ofus, at an individual level, has to examine our own decisions and actions and weigh their contribution to theoverall outcome of the elections.
As the President of the party, I have to admit my responsibility not only for my individual actions, but alsofor the performance of the party as a whole. I sincerely thank my leaders as well as my colleagues for theconfidence they have continued to repose in me. I pledge to work with redoubled energy and strive my utmost tofulfill the high responsibility placed once again on my shoulders.
No anti-NDA wave and no pro-Congress wave
Friends, let us analyse. Was there an anti-NDA wave? No. There was generally a pro-Vajpayee and pro-BJPmood all over the country.
Was there a pro-Congress wave? No. This is clear from the fact that the Congress party managed to win only 7seats more than the BJP. It drew a blank in Kerala; was reduced to only 8 seats in Karnataka; could notincrease its tally in Maharashtra - indeed, it lagged behind the BJP-Shiv Sena alliance -- in spite of forginga much talked-about alliance with the NCP; it managed to win only one seat in Punjab and Uttaranchal. All theStates I have just mentioned are ruled by the Congress party.
The Congress fared worse than before in Rajasthan, Chattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, which are BJP-ruled States.It failed to make any gains in Orissa. Its performance was dismal in the North East. In Assam it could notimprove its position in spite of being in the government. Even in Gujarat, where the BJP is said not to havefared well, we won more seats than the Congress, although it was below our expectations.
Therefore, it is completely untenable for the Congress to claim that the people's mandate has gone in itsfavour.
It is said that the rural people were unhappy with the NDA and they did not vote for us. This is not true.Results show that most of the seats that the BJP won are actually rural constituencies.
It is also claimed that the poor people were not happy with the NDA and they too did not vote for us. This isalso not true. As a matter of fact, most of the constituencies where we won fall in areas that are poor andbackward. These are in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, North Karnataka, Orissa, and Vidarbha andMarathwada in Maharashtra.
As we examine the factors that contributed to our poor performance, it emerges that we were, perhaps,overconfident in our assessment of the situation. Overconfidence might have led to complacency in certainplaces. Our workers and supporters in some constituencies felt that they could take it easy, since the BJP andthe NDA were "anyway going to form the government".
The damage due to complacency among our workers and traditional voters was, in several constituencies,compounded by the local situation. We did not give adequate weightage to the anti-incumbency factor operatingagainst many of our sitting MPs while re-nominating them. This cost us dearly. Nearly 50% of our sitting MPsfailed to get re-elected. This is a matter of serious concern, requiring close study and corrective action.
The outcome of the recent election shows no clear or uniform national pattern. The preference of theelectorate deferred from state to state, so much so that it seems that the final verdict is actually anaggregate of state verdict influenced mostly by local factors.
In addition to the factors that I have just mentioned, in a few states we suffered on account of the alliancefactor. I am not saying this to put the blame on our allies, but only as a matter of fact. We have no regrets.
The BJP is firmly in favour of further strengthening the National Democratic Alliance and our relationshipwith the supporting parties. It is true that some allies left the NDA prior to the elections. In every singlecase they left on their own. We did not leave any of our allies.
Yes, we have to identify the shortcomings and correct the lapses. We have to learn lessons from the past, andmove forward leaving the past behind.
Congress party's self-serving interpretation of the mandate
Friends, in the aftermath of the unexpected election results our adversaries, especially the Congress and theCommunists, have given a totally a false spin to the people's verdict. The Congress claims that it has won thepeople's mandate. Numbers belie this claim. The Congress party has managed to win only 145 seats. The Congressand its pre-poll allies could win only 218 seats, which is far below the half way mark of 272 necessary toform the government.
It is of course true that they have been able to cobble together the necessary majority to form the government.The ruling outfit calls itself the United Progressive Alliance (UPA). Far from being united, it presents apicture of disunity right from the beginning. Far from being progressive, its contradictions and compromiseswill take the country in a regressive direction. Far from being an alliance, it is merely an opportunisticarrangement for power sharing.
I do not wish to comment much on how this government was formed and has been blundering along for the pastmonth or so, because these aspects are covered in the draft political resolution to be placed before theNational Executive.
Dangerous portents of competitive pseudo-secularism
In this context, I would like to draw your attention to a very disturbing aspect of the mindset of those whoare a part of the new government or are associated with it. This is the phenomenon of competitivepseudo-secularism. It is shocking that the Common Minimum Programme of the UPA does not even mentioncross-border terrorism, as if that menace is over.
Within a week of the formation of the new government 33 BSF Jawans and their family members were killed in aterrorist attack in Kashmir. A few days ago, security forces unearthed yet another Lashkar-e-Toiba conspiracyto assassinate Shri Narendra Modi. Four persons, including two Pakistani nationals, were killed in a policeencounter. What is shocking is that certain pseudo secular parties and organizations are using this incidentin their anti-BJP campaign and also trying to make it into a Hindu-Muslim issue. They are projecting it as acase of human rights violation, forgetting that human rights are for the protection of innocent citizens andcannot be misused for the protection of terrorists and anti-nationals. They had the audacity to say that theattack on Akshardham was also stage-managed! These parties were even in the forefront of organizing bandhs indefence of the terrorists.
The BJP would like to caution these pseudo-secular parties that, for short-term gains, they are encouragingand emboldening anti-national and terrorist forces with their pronouncements. It is the same mindset, whichhas guided the new government to promise repeal of POTA, ignoring the continued threat of terrorism. This is ahighly dangerous trend, which poses a threat to our national security, national unity and even to India'sdemocratic system.
As a nationalist party, it is our duty to educate the people and arouse public opinion about the consequencesof competitive pseudo-secularism. The BJP will take up a major nationwide campaign on this highly disturbingissue.
Performing the role of an effective opposition
Friends, we shall perform the role of an effective opposition with a construction and responsible approach. Wehave patience to sit in the opposition. We shall spare no opportunity to expose the contradictions,compulsions, compromises and failures of the new government. Our campaign against the tainted Ministers in theManmohan Singh government is only the beginning. We shall soon launch nationwide campaign against the Congressand Communist parties' vile attempts to re-falsify India's history in the name of "desaffronisation"of text books.
When national interests and issues of people's welfare are involved, we will support the government. But it isfor the government to come forward and seek our support. It is the government's responsibility to demonstratethat it will carry forward the tradition of consensus-building on major issues, which was initiated by theVajpayee government.
Also, as Shri Advaniji has rightly pointed out, the only sensible meaning of the highly fragmented mandate, inwhich no party or pre-poll alliance has won a majority, is that the people of India want the new government toactively seek the cooperation of the opposition on all important issues.
However, it is crystal clear that the new government is no mood to follow this sensible message given by theelectorate. Rather, it is a vindictive government that wants, wherever it can, to undo the good legacy of theVajpayee government. Therefore, our Party has to be extremely vigilant both inside and outside Parliament. Wemust stoutly defend all the good work done by our government. We must also pressurize the Congress-led governmentto carry forward the good initiatives of the Vajpayee government.
It is worth mentioning here that very important development initiatives of the Vajpayee government, such asthe National Highway Development Project, Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana, Samporna Grameen Rozgar Yojana,Swajaldhara, Antyodaya Anna Yojana, and Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, do not even find a mention either in the new government'sCommon Minimum Programme or in the President's Address to the Joint House of Parliament.
Party's new initiative: Subject Committees
Our party's representation in Parliament presents a good blend of experience and youthfulness, of provencapability and promising new talent. Many of our members have excelled themselves both in governance and inopposition in the past. We are indeed blessed with the leadership of Shri Atalji and Shri Advaniji in the LokSabha. In the Upper House, we have the leadership of Shri Jaswant Singhji. Therefore, we can have fullconfidence in our Parliamentary wing to do a great job.
In this context, we have decided to create a new category of structures within the Party organization to drawupon our colleagues' rich experience in governance and in parliamentary work. These are subject-specificcommittees, somewhat on the pattern of Standing Committees in Parliament, comprising our MPs, members of theNational Executive and non-Party experts. This will impart a new dimension to our Party's work both inside andoutside Parliament.
Gear up for the coming Assembly elections
Esteemed colleagues, many formidable tasks lie ahead of us. A draft Working Paper on "Tasks Ahead"will be placed before the National Executive for discussion. This discussion will continue beyond Mumbai. Wehave planned to hold a Chintan Baithak in the month of July. Its main purpose is to deliberate on howto further expand the Party's social and political base to win back the confidence of the people, based onsuggestions from you and from Party functionaries at various levels.
Our immediate task is to gear up for the electoral battle in the States of Maharashtra, Bihar, Haryana,Jharkhand and Arunachal Pradesh, which will elect new Assemblies within the next few months. I should also addUttar Pradesh to this list, because, looking at the situation there, elections might be held before schedule.All these Assembly elections are very important for us.
We are meeting in Mumbai, the capital of Maharashtra. I would like all of you to join me in congratulating theMaharashtra unit for performing well in the Lok Sabha elections, belying many forecasts. All of us here hopethat the BJP, together with our time-tested ally, Shiv Sena, will be able to drive out of power the unholyalliance of the Congress and the NCP. The incumbent government has become a byword for corruption,non-performance and internal bickering. The people of Maharashtra are in a mood for change.
The people of Bihar are also eagerly awaiting freedom from the Jungle Raj of the RJD-Congress Communistsalliance. Our colleagues in the Bihar unit should prepare a meticulous strategy for ending its misrule, bylearning the right lessons from the recent Lok Sabha elections.
For the BJP, it is very important to win a renewed mandate in Jharkhand and Arunachal Pradesh. I should addhere that we have the opportunity to perform better in Haryana.
No question of being apologetic about Hindutva
Friends, preparing for the coming Assembly elections is of course our priority in the immediate term. But,simultaneously, we have to address the other crucial tasks before the party.
The foremost task before the entire Party organization is to rededicate ourselves to our ideology and toidealism. We have to create awareness right from top to bottom that we are not an ordinary political party,but a party with a mission. We are also a part of a larger movement, inspired by the ideology of nationalism.
What this mission is, and what this movement is, is something that our functionaries and karyakartas mustinternalize fully. It must be reflected in our thinking, communication and conduct.
There is once again speculation in a section of the media that the BJP is going back to Hindutva. The questionof going back to Hindutva does not arise, because we have never left it, nor will we ever leave it.
For us, Hindutva is not an electoral issue. Electoral issues usually change from one election to another. Butthat is not the case with Hindutva, which is a way of life. It is the soul of our Nation. Even the SupremeCourt has affirmed that Hindutva is the basic identity of India.
The BJP has always believed that Hindutva, Bharateeyata and Indianness are synonymous. They are one and thesame. Therefore, as far as the BJP is considered, there is no question of being apologetic about Hindutva.Indeed, we are proud of our civilization, our philosophy, and our cultural heritage.
I would also like to make one more thing clear. There is no question of giving up our efforts to reach out toall sections of Indian society, including the minorities. We never consider the minorities differently in ourpolitical work. Minorities are an integral part of our Nation. Our motto in this regard will continue to be:"Justice for all, appeasement of none".
Our Party will maintain good relations with all nationalist organizations working for the cause ofnation-building.
Our commitment to Vikas will continue
Friends, there is some talk in media and political circles that, after the electoral setback we have suffered,the BJP would give up its focus on Vikas (development), which we had made as an important plank in ourelection campaign. I wish to make it absolutely clear that this will not be so. The BJP has twin commitments:Cultural Nationalism and Development. Indeed, the two are inter-related. Without our country's all-round andaccelerated development, we cannot realize our dream of a resurgent India, capable of regaining and surpassingher past glory. We continue to believe that India has the potential, and all the needed resources, to emergeas a strong economic power and a Developed Nation in a short time. Therefore, "Development, FasterDevelopment, and Equitable Development" will continue to be our mantra.
We are proud of the many path-breaking development initiatives of the Vajpayee government in infrastructure aswell as in various social sectors. The BJP's policies and programmes will continue to highlight the urgencyand imperative need for poverty alleviation, employment opportunities for all, removal of regionaldisparities, bridging of the rural-urban divide through innovative approaches such as PURA (Provision of UrbanAmenities in Rural Areas), urban renewal leading to improvement in the living conditions of slumdwellers,women's empowerment, and speedy development of the scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and all other weakersections of society. We firmly hold that even the last man must benefit from, and must have a feeling ofinvolvement in the nation's integrated development. This is what we mean by 'Antyodaya', and it will remainour guiding principle. I would like all our karyakartas to give overriding importance to all thesedevelopment-related issues in their political and practical activities.
Expand BJP's work among kisans and rural poor
Friends, we have to regain the confidence of the people by expanding and intensifying our activities indifferent sections of society, and also by effectively championing the causes of those sections of society inwhich we still have a narrow base.
