Advertisement
X

The Annual Quota Of Violence

The Gujjar fury is back. Isn't it the natural blowback of a blithely made poll promise?

Uprising, Chapter II
  • Police firing and violence provoked by Gujjars' stir demanding ST status claims 40 lives in Rajasthan on May 23, 24. Two killed in Panipat on May 29.
  • Either Hindus or Muslims, Gujjars, semi-nomadic, are now settled in Rajasthan, Uttarakhand, HP and J&K. In the last two states, they enjoy ST status.
  • In the '03 Rajasthan polls, Gujjars were promised ST status, but the BJP government later failed to act on it, mainly owing to the clout of the Meenas.
  • A similar Gujjar stir in Rajasthan in May '07 killed 26. A Rs 282-crore aid package and jobs for the kin of those killed failed to appease the community.

***

A
Gujjars stop a train at Loni off Delhi

But there has been no movement on the basic issue. The state government and the Gujjars remain entrenched in their respective positions. The samiti's convenor, Kirori Singh Bainsla, has adopted tough postures partly to keep leadership of the agitation from passing into more militant hands. He says he will meet the government only if it writes a letter to the Centre recommending that the Gujjars be granted ST status—something the government is reluctant to do, given the powerful influence of Meenas in Rajasthan who are unwilling to share the ST reservation pie with Gujjars.

Instead, the BJP government earlier this week wrote to the Centre seeking additional reservation for Gujjars by classifying them as a "denotified or nomadic" tribe. This was predictably rejected as it would require an amendment to the Constitution that provides for reservation under only three categories: SC, ST and OBC.

Meanwhile, Bainsla and his colleagues have camped in Pilupura with a heavy presence of security forces put in place by the state to hopefully prevent any untoward incident. Vasundhararaje's envoy and BJP leader Devi Singh Bhati is currently in Dholpur district and attempting to build bridges with the Gujjar community by meeting local leaders. No contacts have, however, been established with Bainsla. "If need be, we will meet him at a later stage," says Bhati. The CM has now reportedly entrusted Vishvendra Singh, BJP MP from Bharatpur, with the task of establishing contact with Bainsla. In fact, Vasundhara and Bainsla haven't even met once in the year gone by—something that has invited flak from experts, who feel direct talks must resume immediately. The government has, in fact, been communicating through emissaries and leaflets.

This round of violence with its attendant bandhs in several districts is making the state bleed. Tourism has taken a hit—hotel occupancy levels are at a 40 per cent low. The industry has been hit because of a shortage of raw materials with losses estimated at Rs 700 crore-800 crore a day. Plus, the state exchequer is losing Rs 40 crore sales tax per day. Export earnings have fallen by Rs 50 crore a day.

T
he agitation goes back to the promise Vasundhara made during the 2003 assembly elections—in return for political support, she would include the Gujjars in the ST category. Gujjars say she got the votes, and since then never bothered to make good on her word. Rajiv Gupta, an associate professor of sociology at Rajasthan University, says this promise was nothing but a "populist and political" move. "In the 1990s, when Bhairon Singh Shekhawat was in power in the state and A.B. Vajpayee at the Centre, the BJP managed to include the Jats in the OBC category. They felt it could be done again with the Gujjars, and began to magnify and exploit their demand in return for votes," he says. "It is the BJP that first enabled them to articulate a demand, which has been around since the 1960s, in an organised manner," Gupta adds.

The government in Rajasthan has failed to placate the Gujjars with the steps it has taken so far. First, the Justice Jasraj Chopra Committee, which was formed to enquire into the validity of their demand after last year's violence, found their claims of being a community that had 'tribal' characteristics less than convincing. Following this, the government created another committee earlier this year—headed by Ramdas Agarwal—to prepare a special package for the community. The recommended Rs 282-crore aid package, announced last week, has also failed to appease the Gujjars since it is not community-specific, but just allocated to districts with a dominant Gujjar population.

Expectedly, the Congress has put the Vasundhararaje government in the firing line. Former CM Ashok Gehlot alleges the government has dealt with a sensitive social and political issue with little understanding and seriousness. "The government first fires on people, then comes to the negotiating table. In the last four-and-a-half years of this government, more than 78 people have been killed in 20 firing incidents," he says. There are an estimated 25 lakh Gujjars in Rajasthan, accounting for about 8 per cent of the population. Meenas, already in the ST category and stubbornly opposed to the inclusion of the Gujjars, form about 11 per cent of the population. With elections slated for later this year, this makes the situation all the more piquant for BJP.

Says Gupta, "Much like Gujarat, where a religious divide was created, Rajasthan has become a ground to create caste divisions. Everybody—like the Rajputs, Brahmins, Vaishyas and Karnis—is clamouring for reservation. And national parties like the BJP and Congress exploit such divisions for short-term political goals." The Gujjars' demand for reservation has become more shrill as economic liberalisation has begun displacing them from their traditional professions such as selling dairy products and fruits, he adds. Add to the genuine issues conflicting egos and the pressure of an impending election.

Published At: