IS the Indian Union bracing up for yet another state? Well, after Prime Minister H.D. Deve Gowda promised one to the Uttarakhandis in his now-famous Independence Day speech, the Gorkhas, led by the maverick ex-serviceman Subhas Ghising, have renewed their demand for a separate state. And if Ghising launches another agitation like in the '80s, Deve Gowda has quite a task on his hands.
Ghising's Gorkhaland movement and the violence that ensued left the hills in a shambles. Finally, in 1988, an Autonomous Tribal Council was set up—a move that brought a semblance of peace. But Ghising often had differences with the ruling Left Front government on the day-to-day running of the hill council. He only needed an opportunity to renew his agitation—and the Uttarakhand announcement has come as a boon.
According to observers, Ghising would be content to have the areas under the council declared as a Union Territory for the time being—a prelude to achieving separate statehood in three to four years. But the Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) supremo prefers to play it easy this time round: "It is too early for us to think whether we should have Union Territory status or not. Let us hold discussions first."
For the moment, the hill district presents a study in contrast: apart from the odd poster here and there, urban Darjeeling seems to be unaware of the call for a separate Gorkha state. On the other hand, the atmosphere in the villages is more lively—GNLF activists have been holding regular meetings to keep the movement alive.
The often violent agitation that preceded the council took a toll of nearly 1,000 (mostly Gorkha) lives, apart from destroying roads, government offices, health cen-tres, offices, even police posts, as CPI(M) cadres fought a losing battle with the GNLF.
As Ghising and his GNLF, still calling the shots, now prepare to play for higher stakes, opinion in urban Darjeeling remains sharply divided on what may be in store for the people. "Make no mistake, this time it will be the GNLF versus the administration. If the agitation is anything like what happened in the '80s, it could see a lot of Bengalis leaving the hills again, and maybe some Gorkhas and Nepalis in other parts of the state will come here," says a Bengali lecturer in a local college.
THIS is confirmed by intelligence circles. "We are keeping our fingers crossed. There are just too many loose weapons going around in the North-east and the GNLF now has virtually no challenges," admitted a police official. Contrast this with this reaction from a veteran correspondent based in the district for a long time: "Nobody really knows what Ghising has in mind. However, I have my doubts whether he can work up the will and the energy to go through the fire all over again. Besides, he has much to lose. He has to give up his council, and all the perks that go with it. And think of the victims of the agitation for autonomy, in the GNLF and the CPI(M)—Ghising did not even arrange for compensation for the latter," he says.
Ghising himself, no longer the relatively inexperienced politician, has turned his inscrutability into a strength. Consider the menace implicit even in his simple assertions: "The agitation (for a separate state) will not be violent this time. But in case anyone resents or opposes our struggle, there is bound to be violence and bloodshed." This could spell trouble for Chief Minister Jyoti Basu and his government.
The preliminary build-up leaves no doubt in anyone's mind as to who is doing all the running—it is, again, Ghising. "No one, but no one, has opposed the call for Gorkhaland, no one dares," says a bank officer. Even the district CPI(M) has maintained a discreet silence.
Observers say Ghising is also annoyed with political parties aping the GNLF in its call for a separate state. Warns GNLF coun-cillor R.K. Pradhan: "Only the GNLF has the right to give the call for Gorkhaland. No one else. Those who want to support the movement must first resign from their respective parties."
Pradhan has also sought to sideline the newly set up Gorkhaland People's Front (GPF), comprising the Gorkha Democratic Front and the All-India Gorkha League. Local Congress and BJP wings, regardless of their stand on the question of tribal autonomy in Assam or elsewhere, are partners in the new Front—keen to hop on to the Gorkhaland bandwagon.
Madan Tamang, GPF convenor, has announced the plan to launch a non-violent and democratic agitation for a separate state, setting off in a race for political supremacy against the GNLF. Predictably, Pradhan has urged upon Ghising not to have any truck with the Tamang-led GPF.
The new stirring among the Gorkhas has kindled interest elsewhere in the region. Former Sikkim chief minister Nar Bahadur Bhandari, who until recently abused Ghising, is openly supporting him. This has earned him a sharp rebuke from his successor Pawan K. Chamling, who denounced Bhandari in Calcutta recently: "Bhan-dari, who has so many charges pending against him, is now teaming up with the same Ghising he used to condemn until recently. I have nothing to say about Gorkhaland. The local people must decide what they want and what they should do. I think Ghising is a major leader, although I haven't met him to discuss the Gorkhaland issue."
The developments seem to have outpaced the district and state CPI(M) units in West Bengal. The recent announcements made by state Home Minister Bud-dhadev Bhattacharya that "Darjeeling will not be allowed to drift away and Mr Ghising will be checkmated," have not aroused general confidence. Bhattacharya, who has had occasions to express criticism of the district party's functions, has his work cut out in view of the popular support for Ghising in the hills. The CPI(M) is still in the process of crafting out its measured response to the extremely difficult challenge it is up against. As for the Congress and the BJP, there seems to be nothing left but to follow the leader in north Bengal—Ghising and the GNLF.
Even regarding matters financial, there are two opinions. One opinion has it that financial assistance for the council, which was Rs 60 crore a year, has now dropped to around Rs 34 crore. "What can you do with that?" asks Ghising. But his critics point out that Ghising lost interest in the autonomous council after the Panchayat Raj and Jawahar Rozgar Yojana schemes were introduced, reducing his financial control over it considerably.
A last word, about the common people: even by North-east standards, Darjeeling remains backward. Female literacy, public health, education are low points, while alcoholism, and exploitation of women are rampant. On top of it, if there is another '80s-like agitation, the hill people have quite a rough patch ahead.
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