Now For the End Game

IT is a classic war between two political grandmasters. The shrewd Maratha andthe wily Brahmin. The former, Sharad Pawar, has a long-standing record of manipulativeskills. P.V. Narasimha Rao has been displaying his wares ever since he came out of virtualretirement to clinch the throne after Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination in May 1991.

Pawar had then decided to bide his time, quietly stepping up his PR machinery andbuilding his support base. When his camp followers declared that he was in the race orleadership, he never opened his mouth either in support or denial. But in the end, heopted out, having projected himself as a future candidate for the top post.

This was in no small measure due to the blinding manoeuvres of Rao loyalists, who hadadopted a thre e-pronged strategy of  cajoling, blackmailing threats. Rao personallysolicited Pawar’s support. His loyalist S.B. Chavan threatened to bring down he Pawargovernment in Maharashtra if he brought about a leadership tussle. Subramanian Swamy, whoIwas law minister under Chandra Shekhar, raked up Pawar’s alleged role in a landscam. Swamy was not and is still not in the Congress. But he holds the status of a cabinetminister. Swamy, along with Home Minister Chavan, are two of Rao’s front-rankingloyalists.

Rao had entered into a clear quid pro quo with Pawar to get him to drop out of  the race. A mere four days after taking oath as Prime Minister, he drafted theMaratha strongman as the Union defence minister. But he was also biding his time to cuthim down to size. Pawar’s tenure at the Centre lasted only till early 1993, when in adeft stroke Rao sent him back to Maharashtra as chief minister in the wake of the Bombayriots.

Pawar was soon to surprise many when he helped Rao nip the challenge thrown up by ArjunSingh during the Surajkund AICC session. Singh had then been demanding an apology from theCongress for the Ayodhya demolition, a Pawar was also to voice much l ater. But at thatjuncture, Pawar knew  that he could hardly afford to allow Singh to emerge as the threatto Rao.

Rao, meanwhile, encouraged known Pawar-baiters to keep taking pot shots at the Maratha.Finally, Pawar was driven to echo the Arjun Singh line on Ayodhya. By that time, ofcourse, Singh had already exited from the Congress. Rao retaliated by accommodating abouthalf a dozen anti-Pawar MPs in his Cabinet.

So far, Rao has won almost all the battles against the Maratha. The war may be reachinga decisive stage now, with the next elections approaching fast. Rao has refused to appointPawar nominee Govind Rao Adik as the PCC chief to muffle his voice during ticketdistribution. "When Pawar had a free hand last time, the party won 38 out of 48 seatsin the state," points out an MP close to Pawar. He claims this has spurred Rao toclip Pawar’s wings: to hit Pawar where it hurts him most, Rao is weakening theparty’s chances in Maharashtra. And that’s precisely the line Pawar has begun touse to rally support against Rao.

Says Murli Deora, party MP from Bombay: "It’s high time that the leadersunited - otherwise there will be nothing left to unite for." Who will fin ally winthe war of attrition? Nobody can predict that, but the coming months are sure to see aheightening of tensions. And the ringside view should be very interesting indeed.