Civil society — plural, heterogeneous, chaotic, somewhat flawed — took on the institutions. This time around, civil society leaders demanded a say in framing law, and got it too. Those who garner support from citizens, and demonstrate that from time to time, earn the privilege of representing us. Fair enough, but squeezing into the legislative process is potentially damaging to both sides. The power and force of civil society cannot but be compromised while the legitimacy and sanctity of elected representatives gets further eroded.
Hazare’s crusade was a wake-up call to political representatives, bureaucrats, and judiciary that citizens are agitated about corruption. Sitting on the legislative process means Hazare and his group have abdicated their right to criticize the Lokpal Bill draft that will be prepared by the joint committee. Now, if non-Hazare sections of civil society find problems in this draft, will Hazare listen and re-draft the Bill? Should this process continue, where and how will it end? If Maoists demand a joint committee to re-draft the Forest Rights Bill, and pressure the government through violent methods, will we have cabinet ministers sit alongside Maoist commanders and do the needful?
4. Will the real Anna Hazare please stand up?
India, outside Maharashtra, discovered a man called Anna Hazare. Enough has been said about his use of religious symbols and men, his references swinging from Mahatma Gandhi to Chhatrapati Shivaji, the allusion to sindoor, his feudal-cum-military style development-governance model in Ralegan Siddhi. His impact on the village is indisputable. His work to bring the Right to Information law into existence cannot be denied. Yet, as someone who has tracked his work and seen his agitations up close for years, there’s disquiet. Two anecdotes need to be told.
The first is the most recent one. On his way back to Ralegan Siddhi this week, Hazare had to pass through toll nakas on the Pune-Ahmednagar highway. Toll collection agencies are on his hit-list for their corrupt practices. Hazare’s convoy of cars and SUVs sought to pay toll but were waved ahead by toll booth attendants who recognized the new national icon. Hazare could — and should — have insisted on paying but gladly moved on. Did he allow his position to attract undue favours? Isn’t this corruption too? In his address at Ralegan Siddhi, where he gloated that he “made Delhi bend”, he remarked: “We now know the art of squeezing the government’s nose to open their mouth” (sic) displaying his contempt for all things governmental. Yet, as Mumbai lawyer, anti-corruption campaigner and former IPS officer YP Singh has pointed out, Hazare has been happy to use state government facilities, including guest houses and red-beacon cars; he has used secretariat offices for his work and has had government officers report to him in the chambers of chief ministers. This, Singh points out, is neither democratic nor activist-ic. Singh alleges that Hazare sought from him all files and details on two big-ticket cases of corruption — Adarsh society and Lavasa hill station — but did nothing; Hazare’s aides said he studied the cases.