Breaking The Shackles

THE hunt is up. For the "Atalji" on whom the BJP had bestowed near-magical qualities in the run-up to the general elections. Because once the "prospective prime minister" got the top job, things seemed to fall apart. "Missing in action" about summed it up as Atal Behari Vajpayee's coalition government staggered from one crisis to another. Unable, or unwilling, to assert his authority. The suspicion gained ground that the embattled 'softie' was close to giving up. Even a usually adulatory media began sticking the knife in and the "Man India Awaits" began his long-awaited prime ministerial tenure being portrayed as an ineffectual leader. The dividing line between being accommodative and exhibiting weakness, seemed to get fuzzier by the day.

But over the past fortnight, there have been unmistakable signs of a fightback:

While Jayalalitha seemed to have ensured a permanent headache for the PM and other allies continued to press their demands, an increasingly assertive RSS created more problems for Vajpayee. And that his party is behaving like a finicky mid-Victorian lady, picking up its skirts to try and avoid getting splashed by the mess the government seems to be embroiled in, didn't help.

In fact, after Vajpayee went back on his word on keeping the finance portfolio with himself (under RSS pressure), his allies scented blood. What followed is well documented: the R. Muthiah crisis, R.K. Hegde-Ram Jethmalani-Subramanian Swamy shenanigans, Buta Singh fiasco, coordination committee troubles, hurried transfer of special secretary Ashok Kumar after his clean chit to the DMK government, Jayalalitha's demands, Samata Party and Mamata Banerjee upping the ante...the list is long!

Added to all this, the rumour mills started working overtime about a "three-man coterie" around the prime minister which is keeping "old friends" at bay. And then there were the comparisons being made between Narasimha Rao and Vajpayee on their accession to the prime ministerial gaddi. The glowing countenance and brisk step of the former and the jaded, depressive aura of the latter, despite this being the culmination of 50 years of political tapasya.

But old-timers have faith in the PM's resilience. Says N.M. "Appa" Ghatate, Supreme Court advocate and one of Vajpayee's oldest friends: "Vajpayee will never play fav-ourites. And if he is looking tired, it is because the shenanigans around him distract from the real issue at hand—of providing the people a responsive government. Because for him politics is about being able to effect changes for the better in the life of the citizens. As for comparisons, remember that unlike Rao, Vajpayee is running a coalition. Certainly the Vajpayee government has to deliver. But mark my words, he is clever, has immense credibility and knows what is happening around him."

 Others in the PMO point out that "the tradition of giving a 100 days to the PM before the media sits on judgement seems to have been given the go-by. It is not even 30 days now". According to sources close to Vajpayee, the perception that he was not being seen to "act", apart from the limitations of a coalition, was also a result of the fact that he is acutely conscious of the need to keep the institution of prime minister above petty—and PR—politics. "He cannot reply to every charge, every story," says a BJP leader.

Obviously, he is far too canny to let things drift beyond a point. Over the past fortnight, Vajpayee has begun to "act"; to get rid of the perception that he leads an impotent government. His directions to Sukh Ram to quit as deputy CM in the BJP-led Himachal Pradesh government is a case in point.

Sources claim that there was a well-deliberated reason for the PMO asking BJP minister of state Babagouda Patil to postpone his press meet, where he was to declare his assets. "Troubled" by the fact that his government has been associated with politicians charged with corruption, Vajpayee wants all ministers to declare their assets and in one fell swoop, thereby regaining the moral high-ground on the issue.

Last fortnight, Vajpayee also announced wide-ranging policies to "kickstart" the economy; a few days later at his daily "janata durbar", he said the government was considering setting up a mechanism to address the grievances of the people so they wouldn't have to trek to politicians to get everyday problems solved. Vajpayee is also making it clear that he will have a say in party matters as well. The "dressing down" UP chief minister Kalyan Singh and state BJP president Rajnath Singh—who are fighting a virtual proxy war—received is another sign of the PM asserting himself. The two leaders were told to sort out their problems if they did not want the central leadership to intervene.

Even on the inimical allies front, Vajpayee had a word with Hegde and Jethmalani who have since clammed up, while the apparent success of the PM's troubleshooter Jaswant Singh's mission to Chennai to pacify Jayalalitha seems to have ensured peace on the southern front at least for the moment. In fact, even the confusion over the composition of the hastily revived coordination committee was sorted out on Vajpayee's directions, when party spokesman K.L. Sharma implied that he had been told by the PMO that the Vajpayee's bete noire Swamy was definitely out. And the question of whether post-poll allies will form part of the committee will be decided at its first meeting.

Observers also see much in his virtual contradiction of home minister L.K. Advani's statement in Patna on April 26 that the proposed Constitution commission could suggest a shift to a presidential form of government. It is viewed as an attempt to drive home the point that it is the PM who will spell out government policy on matters not directly connected with any ministry.

So, even as the BJP-led government enters its second month in office, the changes, albeit subtle, in the man heading it are apparent. It is even being let out by Vajpayee aides that the Lok Pal bill, reservation for women in legislatures and constitution of the national security council are on the "immediate agenda". The message is clear: the first month of his fledgling government may have been spent awaiting The Man India Awaits, but now "Atalji" is getting into his stride. Whether this approach will be carried forward, or whether he will revert to his earlier mode the next time a crisis comes along, only the future will tell.