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What Is To Be Done?

The Congress and the Left aren't the best of friends, but secularism has brought them up close and personal <a href=pti_coverage.asp?gid=324 target=_blank> Updates</a>

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What Is To Be Done?
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Much before the merry-makers descended on the CPI(M)'s staid headquarters, the comrades had chalked out a contingency plan. The indefatigable old man from Punjab had cast his net for a secular alternative to the NDA. From the strident Mulayam Singh Yadav to JD(S) supremo H.D. Deve Gowda, everyone had lined up outside Harkishen Singh Surjeet's house in Teen Murti Lane of Lutyens' Delhi.

But then came the surprise verdict from the counting centres and the biggest dilemma that the Left has faced since the "historic blunder" of not letting Jyoti Basu occupy the prime ministerial chair in 1996. The results were clear—the Left emerged as the third largest parliamentary grouping in India. But should they join a government led by the Congress—a party the communists have opposed since Independence, a party that is still their political rival in both Kerala and West Bengal?

Already, the strident group from Kerala has demanded Congress chief minister A.K. Antony's resignation. Flush from an almost clean sweep of seats in the coastal state, their demand was reaching a feverish pitch even before party leaders in Delhi had a chance to savour their biggest victory since Independence. Even the usually tactful Surjeet was at a loss to explain the dichotomy between Delhi and Thiruvananthapuram. Says he: "We've won 18 out of 20 seats in Kerala. The Kerala unit is clearly justified in asking for Antony's resignation. However, it doesn't affect our equation with the Congress in Delhi."

The CPI(M) does indeed stand at an ironical juncture because for the first time the ideological proclivities of its orthodox minority—which carries weight in the opaque workings of the politburo and central committee and which harbours a 'radical Brahminical' fetish of not being seen in too close a proximity with the Congress—have coincided with the real-political exigencies of a section of its pragmatists, not just in Kerala but also in West Bengal. In fact, a few days ahead of May 13, West Bengal CM Buddhadeb Bhattacharya had indicated that the question of supporting a Congress-led regime would arise only if the Third Front option became untenable.

But now a different wind is blowing through the Left woods. While almost all senior Left leaders have left the decision to join the government or support it from outside to the CPI(M) central committee—which commences its two-day-long session on May 15—and their respective decision-making bodies, the pressure to participate is already mounting. Says a CPI(M) leader: "We can't stay out now. The verdict is too overwhelming. The Left's participation is essential for not just influencing policies but also to provide a stable government at the Centre." Other behind-the-scenes operators like former prime ministers V.P. Singh and Chandra Shekhar too have been in constant touch with the Left leaders. Singh is believed to have asked the Left to participate in the government instead of just supporting it from outside.

But communists are not easily convinced. Says Surjeet: "So far as influencing policy decisions is concerned, that can also be done from outside. But all these discussions are for the central committee to take up. I'm not going to commit anything one way or the other unless the party has reached a decision collectively."

Despite this obviously disconcerting dilemma, the Left Front is delighted that it does not have to scurry around for support. Surjeet can always be depended on to gather the secular flock together but the Left has been secretly hoping for precisely the verdict that they got. Says a senior CPI(M) leader: "We always wanted the Left and the Congress to get enough numbers to form the government. Who wants to deal with demanding allies who have the strength to wreck the government any time? Now that we have the strength, we can focus on crucial issues". The "crucial issues" that largely concern economic policies will likely be a major contentious area between the LF and the Congress. While the Left has not been opposed to foreign investment and reforms, their insistence on issues like land reforms, increased public investment on rural infrastructure and levy of heavier income tax on higher income groups may create serious problems for the alliance.

Surjeet has already declared that the assembly results in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka are an indictment of the "mindless globalisation" being implemented in both these states. The CPI, too, hasn't been far behind in attacking these policies and asking for a "cautious approach".

Says CPI leader D. Raja: "The rural poor had been totally ignored by Chandrababu Naidu and the NDA. And they have responded by delivering this stunning defeat. Unemployment is on an all-time high and rural poverty is increasing. The NDA has been selling off profit-making PSUs at throwaway prices. Economic policies have to be geared towards betterment of the poor, not widening the gap between the rich and the poor."

The Left has been talking about a pro-poor common minimum programme for the government that may sound almost similar to the Congress' economic vision but there are differences that may lead to tension in the future. The most difficult issue that confronts the Left-Congress unity is the imminent oil price rise that was stalled owing to the elections. Couple that with the Left's opposition to issues like liberalisation of the financial sector and the coming months could see interesting debates within the government.

According to CPI(M) leader Sitaram Yechury, the Left would stress on a common minimum programme but stability is in focus too. Says he: "We've to give a stable government. We stagger once and you can be sure that the fascists are coming back.... The people have shown a clear faith in a secular government. We've to be conscious of that."

Besides the crucial issue of stability, what binds the Left and the Congress is secularism. Also, the relationship the Congress chief has cultivated with Left leaders has helped. Sonia went to enquire about Surjeet's health after he was briefly hospitalised towards the end of the campaign. She has also kept in touch with other leaders like Yechury and consults them on the question of other allies. Her distrust of leaders like Mulayam is only matched by her faith in the Left's willingness to stand by her side. The communists are probably the only ones who have never questioned her origin or her leadership of the Congress. Jyoti Basu and Surjeet have not only publicly supported Sonia but also pointed out they have no objection to her being the PM.

Surjeet is talking to parties like the SP and the JD(S) with the intention of consolidating the secular alliance. But with Mayawati already having announced her decision to support the Congress-led government, it's unlikely that Mulayam too would do the same. However, with the Congress and the Left having enough strength to virtually form the government on their own, such discussions are mere embellishments to an already secure secular government.

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