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'Our Democratic Process Is Far From Participatory, It Is Elitist'

The internationally renowned development economist offers several disclaimers to the many changes we've been gung-ho about in the last 10 years

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'Our Democratic Process Is Far From Participatory, It Is Elitist'
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Internationally renowned development economist Jean Dreze has studied India minutely for over two decades. An apostle of alternate views on education, poverty, development, the nuclear doctrine, freedom of information and the Narmada struggle, he has also co-authored many publications with Nobel Laureate Prof Amartya Sen, including
and
. Recently, he's been a champion of two crucial legislations pertaining to rural employment and reservation for women in legislatures. In this interview, he offers several disclaimers to the many changes we've been gung-ho about in the last 10 years.
There is a view that the last 10 years in India have seen 'change' of the kind not seen before. Is this just a lop-sided, urban middle-class, English-speaking view?
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You travel widely. Which are the regions seeing change? And why are some regions lagging behind?
We saw caste violence (in Gohana) and labour unrest (in Gurgaon) recently. Is this indicative of the fact that the majority of the population is being left out of the changes that we have been chasing in the last 10 years?
India has seen electoral reforms in the last 10 years, the EC has been consistent in its proactive role, the politician whom we thought could never be tamed has become relatively more accountable, but in spite of all this, we have not been able to arrest the growing cynicism and disinterest in our political system. Why?
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You have a fellow economist as India's prime minister who promised globalisation with a human face. The Congress talked of the aam aadmi. Do you think his government has got its priorities right in the one year of its existence?
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It is often said that India is feared and respected internationally for its IT prowess, but if one deconstructs the euphemism of 'IT prowess' it would just mean our ability to provide cheap labour. Is India's new self-confidence a hollow image?
I am not aware that India is more self-confident. What does national self-confidence mean for someone who is driving a rickshaw or carrying bricks to feed the family? Only a small minority has the luxury of worrying about international perceptions of India.

As far as IT prowess is concerned, I don't think it is hollow. Indian labour is bound to be cheaper, but that does not detract from the value of having been able to train large numbers of people in IT skills. The tragedy is that this genuine achievement in the field of higher education goes hand-in-hand with a dismal record in elementary education. This contrast reflects the elitist nature of India's education system, and beyond that, of the society at large. The answer is not to refrain from further advances in IT, but to combine this with much more emphasis on the universalisation of elementary education.

There is an outrage among the salaried middle class that in order to make the Employment Guarantee Bill work the FM has taxed them heavily. How legitimate is this grouse?
This grouse has no basis. So far, no special financial provisions have been made for the Employment Guarantee Act. Indeed, the Act is yet to come into effect. Further, the Indian middle class can hardly be described as heavily taxed. For one thing, there is massive tax evasion. For another, even those who do pay their taxes get away lightly, compared with their counterparts in many other countries. India'stax-GDP ratio is quite low by international standards, and huge sectors of the economy, such as services, remain virtually untaxed. Income tax rates are also quite moderate.

How assured are you that the Women's Reservation Bill if passed would not be subverted like the panchayat positions for women were appropriated?
I'm not convinced that the reservation of panchayat positions for women has been subverted. True, women who stand for panchayat elections are often "proxies" for a male candidate, usually their husband. But not everywhere. And even where proxy candidates are common, women are rapidly learning to contest elections in their own right. This is not driven by reservation alone, but reservation is a helpful part of it.

Similar comments apply to the reservation of parliamentary seats. In the beginning, it may well be subverted in some places. But in due course I'm sure it will shake the patriarchal foundations of the parliamentary process. The fact that more than 90 per cent of MPs in India are men is an insult to democracy. It is a loss not just for women, but for society as a whole because their participation is bound to enrich parliamentary debates and public policy. Of course, rectifying this gender imbalance is not just a question of reservation. It requires creating conditions that enable women to participate in democratic politics on an equalbasis. Insofar as reservation is a step in that direction, I'm for it. In fact, I'd happily support 50 per cent reservation, instead of just one third.

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