National

And Ask Questions Later

The BJP rejects Opposition demands for an RS session saying it would set unhealthy precedents

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And Ask Questions Later
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The shoe is now on the other foot. The ruling BJP is even less willing to allow a breath of criticism against prime minister Vajpayee. So much so that it has strongly resisted calling a Rajya Sabha session to discuss the Pakistani aggression in Kashmir.

The reluctance is founded not just on the BJP's hopeless minority in the Rajya Sabha (see box), but on the possibility of Vajpayee being embarrassed in the country's highest forum. It is on Vajpayee that the Congress would focus its attack, demanding an explanation for the lapses that led to the border conflict and the loss of life it's entailed.

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Three simple questions would be enough to put the government on the mat, says Congress MP Kapil Sibal:

  • If the government knew of the intrusion, why was timely action not taken?
  • Given the scale of the operation, why did the defence minister claim it would be over "in   48 hours"?
  • How many casualties have the armed forces actually suffered?

    Finer points might be lost on the electorate, but the focus would be on "exposing" the government and pinning on Vajpayee the responsibility for Kargil. Also, while the Congress has so far refrained from officially questioning the BJP's claim of a diplomatic victory by isolating Pakistan, it will do so in the Rajya Sabha. "For the first time in 52 years, a US president has said he will take 'personal interest' in bilateral talks on Kashmir," says senior Congress leader Natwar Singh. "The Kashmir agenda is set and it's been internationalised," agrees Sibal.

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    Any attempt to trumpet the successes of Operation Vijay would be met with ridicule. "What victory? Somebody enters your territory. All you've done is throw them out, at a heavy cost. Have we grabbed one square inch of enemy territory? We've bombed our own territory, what's more shameful than that?" asks Congress spokesperson Ajit Jogi.

    The Congress is unsure if it should raise the vital issue of why airstrikes were delayed by almost three weeks, from May 7 to 26. "That's an operational question. If it turns out that the government was responsible for the delay, only then should it be raised," says a senior party leader.

    Officially, the BJP cites three arguments against convening the Rajya Sabha. The first is that it would set an unhealthy precedent. In '62, the date of convening both houses of Parliament was advanced by 11 days, from November 19 to November 8, to allow the passage of a resolution on a state of emergency. "No special session was called. It's true the Rajya Sabha has been convened twice in the absence of a Lok Sabha, in '77 and in '91, but on both occasions it was to conduct government business. The first time, to extend President's rule in Nagaland and the second time, in Haryana," says BJP Rajya Sabha chief whip Vijay Kumar Malhotra.

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    Calling a Rajya Sabha session merely for a discussion would set another unwelcome precedent, whereby a ruling party with a majority in the upper house could pass partisan resolutions, he argues. Jogi doesn't buy this reasoning: "It's an unprecedented situation. So something which has not been done before will have to be done."

    The BJP also says that while it has no problem with calling a session to pass a resolution backing the efforts of the armed forces, any discussion would turn acrimonious. "By convention, the resolutions should be unanimous. But if a censure motion is passed by majority, then it would show a lack of unity and send a wrong message," says BJP vice-president J.P. Mathur. The Opposition, he feels, can't be relied on to speak responsibly. This would hamper the war effort by sapping the jawans' morale.

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    "That's a fascist argument. There's not a democratic country in the world where war has not been discussed, including India in '62, '65 and '71," says Jogi. In fact, he says, a particular political party had even publicly sided with the aggressor in '62, which didn't noticeably affect the morale of the armed forces.

    Another argument advanced by the BJP is that not everybody wants a Rajya Sabha session. The recent meeting of chief ministers has bolstered that stance, with even non-BJP chief ministers taking the view that it was not necessary. The Janata Dal, agp, dmk, Akali Dal and tdp made it clear they weren't in favour of the "council of states" being convened. Bihar chief minister Rabri Devi was silent on the subject during the meeting and even Congress chief ministers S.C. Jamir and Mukut Mithi, from Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh, respectively, were neutral.

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    However, within the ruling party and the rss, there are two opinions on calling the Rajya Sabha. In the aftermath of the Indian recapture of Tiger Hills and the solid backing of the world community, the government is far less on the defensive that it was earlier, says a senior BJP leader. Having made a conscious effort to identify itself with the armed forces, the party has an edge in the propaganda war. He cites the manner in which the Congress shot down a suggestion for proxy voting for armed forces personnel: "They may have been right, but it wasn't a popular position to adopt."

    A white paper on Kargil is already being prepared. "An inquiry will have to be held and responsibility fixed. There's no avoiding that," says Malhotra. The BJP plans to counter the Congress onslaught by charging it with inculcating a "non-vigilant temperament" vis-a-vis Pakistan. "In '62, it was Nehru who ceded 38,000 sq km to China," observes Mathur. "Let the Congress attack the government. Finally, it will only go against them."

    Senior Congress leaders admit they're uncertain about just how far to go in targeting the government, because that would mean holding the army brass up to scrutiny as well. "It would be much easier if a withdrawal of Pakistani troops took place before the Rajya Sabha session. With the whole thing wrapped up, we'd have to be less circumspect about the army," says a Congress MP. Another problem for the Congress is the lack of good speakers in the upper house, whereas the BJP has a solid array of firepower. Vajpayee is expected to be at his emotive best, riding high on military successes and pleading against the politicisation of the conflict.

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    The Congress has no choice but to raise these questions before the elections, says a party leader. The fireworks might as well be in the Rajya Sabha than outside it.

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